When Diplomacy Fails Podcast

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By the evening of 29 July, a new wave of panic was overcoming the German government. In Berlin, the question of restraining Austria had long been treated with a wink and a nod, but news of Russian mobilisation seemed to change everything.

For Bethmann Hollweg and Jagow, this change moved them to take a stand against Austrian policy at long last. They demanded answers, compromise, and more information, and the Chancellor was willing to go further still. Although long since forgotten in the mad scramble that followed, Bethmann was sufficiently alarmed to advocate the nuclear option - he would cancel the blank cheque entirely, if Austria did not see sense.

This message would be as terrifying as it was confusing for the Austrians, who had frequently been assured of their ally's solidarity, and of their freedom to craft whatever policy they wanted. But with Britain stating its conditional neutrality, France and Russia united in their defiance, and now Italy complaining more forcefully about Austrian behaviour, not even Berlin could ignore that Vienna was forcing it towards the abyss. The real question for the German government as the 29 July became 30 July, was whether they would pull back, or jump.

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Austria's bombardment of Belgrade represented the first shots of the First World War, though contemporaries could not have known this yet - they were more focused on what Russia was doing.

As news of Russia's partial mobilisation filtered through Europe, it caused a major crisis in the German Foreign Office. For Jagow, Germany's Foreign Minister and director of its policy towards Austria since the beginning, Russia's preparations meant nothing less than the complete collapse of his entire world view.

If Russia would not stand back and permit Austrian justice, then surely that meant war was inevitable?

Desperate to avoid the European war he feared, Jagow went to great lengths to work out a solution. He believed he found it in the partnership with Bethmann Hollweg, the Chancellor he had spent several weeks undermining. If these two German statesmen could put their heads together, and wrest concessions or at least some answers out of Vienna, perhaps the ruin of their country could be avoided. Troubling signals suggested it would not be easy, yet having led Germany to this point, neither man had much choice but to try.

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As we release our fifth episode of the Age of Bismarck, I decided to take advantage of Patreon's new special offer feature, and give you the chance to get 50% off your first month of support! Maybe you're unsure, so why not listen to this extended teaser from the first episode of the Age of Bismarck?

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As they had done up to this point, the British continued to try to find a diplomatic solution to the crisis, even as the opportunities shrank before their eyes. Amidst warnings pinged between London and Berlin that under certain circumstances, their respective neutrality could not be guaranteed, the German Chancellor sent an ill-advised appeal for the British to stay out. The effort was likely influenced by the atmosphere of panic then building in Berlin, owing to news of Russian preparations.

As the scales were falling from the eyes of those that had always insisted on Russian neutrality, Bethmann Hollweg created headaches for himself with his explanation of German policy. Germany would not harm the Dutch, nor take any French territory. But what of French colonies, and what of Belgium? To this, Bethmann could make no promises, and here was perhaps his greatest error in the crisis. It seemed small on paper, but for those in Britain eager to weigh in on the Entente side, Bethmann's dishonourable bargain was just what was needed to raise suspicions against Berlin, and undermine the anti-war party.

They needed such German errors, because the British Cabinet remained divided and incredibly suspicious of any foreign entanglements. Though high profile agitators like Grey, Churchill, Asquith and perhaps Lloyd George worked in the background, the British public were against joining the war. Some Cabinet members longed for the opportunity to test their support in Parliament, perhaps even collapsing the government, but Grey would never let it get that far. He kept quiet and non-committal, even as time was drawing near for Britain to declare itself.

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The dawn of a new day did not bring any new peacemaking opportunities. In their own way, Austria, Germany and Russia were immovable in their main goal - they would not back down, even if it cost them everything.

That such a roadblock sat in the way of peace did not prevent Kaiser Wilhelm and Tsar Nicholas from engaging in their famed, eleventh hour telegram exchange. The Nicky-Willy telegrams have often been highlighted as an example of the inherent pacifism of these conservative monarchs, but what hope did this initiative really have?

One emerging issue was the increased tensions between Austria and Germany. Despite urging them to do so for several days, Vienna had not provided its ally with any plans for its post-war treatment of Serbia. Frustrated with Austrian intransigence and the refusal to grant concessions to Italy, the German Chancellor pursued a short-lived but incredibly fascinating mission - to drive it home to Austria that if she would not clarify her aims or help herself, Germany was not willing to do the work for her.

This potential fracture in the Austro-German camp would only be healed if Russia acted pre-emptively, and engaged in mobilisation. But then again, the Russians could ask, if Germany had not been able to stop Austria to this point, was there any hope she could stop her now? If German influence in Vienna had declined, German mediation may be of little use. And if Germany was still influential, why had she allowed matters to get this far, if she had not agreed with what Austria was doing?

It was lose lose for Berlin, and not even the spectacle of the two cousins hissing at each other through barely veiled good wishes could mask the fact that matters had gone very far indeed from the heady days of early July. Russia was mobilising, and though she had not prepared her entire army, she was clearly unwilling to let Austria away with it. Her motives for doing so, and the excuses made to justify such a provocative step, are worth examining, because they get to the root of the July Crisis quandary. Did these contemporaries know what they were doing, or were they blindly following the suggested script off the edge of the abyss?

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Although the Austro-Serb War was now a reality, Britain did not know this until the evening of 28 July. In the meantime, Sir Edward Grey was determined to do all he could to make the mediation scheme work. But not everyone Grey dealt with could be described as sincere, and this included members of his own Cabinet.

Churchill had acted provocatively and pre-emptively in mobilising the fleet and moving it to its battle stations. The Cabinet remained divided over whether to choose a side, but the dilemma was clear. If she declared herself for Russia and France, those powers would be emboldened, and might take greater risks. If, conversely, she declared neutrality, the same effect could be felt in Berlin and Vienna. The solution was thus - still - to keep her options open, but this did not mean British diplomacy slept on 28 July, far from it.

Although the goal was the same, the landscape was rapidly changing under her feet. It was difficult to reconcile Austro-German goals of a limited Serb war with the need Russians felt to defend their Slav brethren. It was at least clear that if the war could be contained, Britain could remain neutral. Yet the space for neutrality was shrinking in line with the escalation in Austro-Serb tensions. By the end of the day, the two foes were at war, and the peaceful hopes of so many had been shattered. The prognosis looked grim, but as had been the case for the last few weeks, Sir Edward Grey had to try.

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For two and a half years, Russia has been waging a full scale war against Ukraine. In response, the West has mobilised an economic coalition of states determined to level sanctions against the aggressor, ideally, to force it to the peace table. Clearly, Russia has not been deterred, but how much of an impact are the sanctions really having? In her book Punishing Putin, Stephanie Baker analyses the reality behind these measures, but also their sheer significance. Indeed, we have entered a new era of Russian relations with the west, and there is no going back.

Thanksss to Stephanie for joining me, please show your support by getting your excellent new book here [Amazon], also available in your favourite book shop!

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After weeks of delay, hesitation and complications, Austria-Hungary finally delivered its declaration of war on Serbia shortly after noon on 28 July 1914.

This, we are often told, represented the beginning of the First World War. But was it as straightforward as that? Contemporaries did not necessarily believe that all hope for peace had been lost. A degree of optimism remained, even in Berlin, where Russia's intervention was perceived possible, but not inevitable.

Now that Austria had made its choice, what would Russia choose to do? As we see, Sazonov was depressed and angry by the Austrian act. In this cynical mood, he took several steps which were designed to ratchet up the pressure on Vienna to hold back, and on Berlin to persuade its ally to do so. And there was no guarantee that Austrian and Serbian forces would even meet on the field.

Serbia had withdrawn its army to the interior, and Habsburg armies were only beginning to be mobilised. Another fortnight was required before the army would be ready, but where should this army go? Thanks to her poor infrastructure and woeful military durability, Austria found she had fewer options than expected once Russia refused to back down. The military and political aspects of her policy were thus intertwined, yet each was as badly understood as the other.

As Germany urged Vienna to give it some indication of what it would do, and Britain pressed for direct Austro-Russian negotiations, the world continued to operate as if yet another crisis in the Balkans would work itself out. Had it not happened before? In fact, this time the crisis was different, and the potential consequences far more catastrophic.

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The 28 July 1914 is best remembered today as the point of no return, as Austria declared war on Serbia.

However, as we will see in this episode, the announcement of this Austro-Serb war, made in the afternoon, and reaching Europe's capitals by the evening, did not ruin the prospects for peace as we might expect. Many contemporaries still believed that it was possible to preserve peace, and foremost among these was Kaiser Wilhelm II. Weeks before, he had given the green light to the blank cheque, but on this morning, Wilhelm finally read Serbia's reply to Austria's ultimatum, and in his view, all reasons for war were now gone.

Wilhelm now proposed a way out of the crisis - Austria would occupy Belgrade, in lieu of Serbia's commitment to dismantle the Pan Serb propaganda and fulfil Austria's remaining demands. This was the Halt in Belgrade, and it was to have a short, but fascinating shelf life, while experiencing several ups and downs before it was eventually killed. In this episode, we trace this idea, and why some in the German government worked hard to push for it, while their colleagues worked to undermine them.

The German policy was confused, but also impatient. German Chancellor Bethmann Hollweg was running out of patience with his Austrian ally, and in his view, Vienna needed to be given a stark warning. She must make amends with Italy, and present her war plan to her ally - did she want to annex Serbia, or not? It was vital that these questions were clarified, as it would make all the difference when dealing with Serbia's protector, Russia. Could Germany stop the ball rolling, or were their efforts, like so many others, hampered by delusions, misinformation, and mistrust? Find out as we begin our coverage of this watershed moment in our history.

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On this otherwise unassuming Monday in 1914, Austria-Hungary was preparing to declare war on Serbia.

The declaration would come the following day, but in the meantime, Germany assisted Austria in keeping up appearances. Those tenacious Brits were at it again, and Grey's mediation proposal still hung in the air. Could a rejection of this scheme worsen the crisis? Perhaps, so it was necessary to tread carefully. The mediation idea would be passed onto Vienna, albeit without much enthusiasm, and Austria could maintain its image as the power in search of justice. But other concerns were rising to the surface.

The Russians were furthering their mobilisation efforts, and looked determined to continue their pressure campaign against Austria. But still, an optimistic view of Russian intervention reigned in Vienna, which stressed that the Tsar would bark but not bite. All evidence to the contrary was ignored, and encouraged but not directed by Berlin, Austria prepared to cut through all this mediation noise, and shatter the expectations of contemporaries with a declaration of war. No one could stop her now.

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In this enormous episode, we examine the largely forgotten story of British efforts to resolve the crisis, and efforts at home to prepare the people for what might come next.

Although Austria's ultimatum had expired two days before, there was still room for diplomacy to work, and Sir Edward Grey was determined to give it his best shot. To preserve peace, Grey pressed his conference scheme to the European courts. When this was rejected, he modified his approach, and accepted other suggestions like bilateral Austro-Russian negotiations. Telegrams pinged back to London, reporting on the deteriorating situation, yet Grey held firm to the principle that Britain should not declare itself. She had more leverage, he believed, if she maintained her 'free hand.'

In his very short address to the Commons, Grey alluded to the conference scheme, and stressed the government's commitment to peace, as well as its freedom of action. Yet, he did not reject claims made by The Times and other papers, which emphasised Britain's ties to its friends, and the duty this entailed. He also remained quiet about the elephant in the room - Britain was tied to France, and military discussions between them had secretly bound Britain to French war calculations. This Grey wisely kept quiet from the Cabinet, as a split was inevitable if he did not tread lightly.

This is exactly the kind of deep dive analysis which this podcast is all about, and I can only thank you so much for making it possible!

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If Austria-Hungary wanted the war with Serbia, it would have to get its skates on. Europe was eagerly looking for any sign of a way out, even if Austria was not.

The British were central in pressing the need for mediation, but they knew that Germany's inclusion was key if it was to work. The Germans, it was reported, anticipated British neutrality. This was wrong, it was insisted, because Britain would tend to her interests. Even more, Britain had kept its fleet, mobilised through annual manoeuvres, intact as the crisis escalated. Did this not prove Britain's seriousness?

Whether Britain was sincere or not, it mattered less than what Austria did. By now it was widely known that Austrian armies were not marching, and if the rumours were true, and she could not march until 12 August, then that gave plenty of time for things to blow over. But before Sir Edward Grey could put the finishing touches on another Balkan conference, he first had to ensure German support, and this was proving impossible to obtain.

The German imperative of supporting Vienna in its swift Serbian war remained in play, even if Austria had not moved. Mediation would threaten this goal, and it had to be countered. Besides, reports from Russia were beginning to make Berlin nervous. Increased military preparations could ruin Germany's own strategic plans, so more information was vital. Just then it was learned that the Kaiser and his Chancellor were returning to Berlin.

Could they persuade Austria to move? If not, could they persuade her statesmen to participate in diplomatic efforts? Berlin did not want a conference, but neither she nor Austria wanted war with Russia either. Could Russia not stay in her lane and ignore the attack on Serbia, especially after all the Serbs had done? The fatalist Austrian view asserted that whatever the consequences, Serbia had to be destroyed. It might be disastrous for the Habsburgs, but as the saying went, it was better to endure an end in horror, than a horror without end. 

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It's been a long time coming! The Age of Bismarck is finally here after so many years of planning, teasing, and dreaming. Tune in here to see how we plan to do it, and why you should be excited! Whether you're a long time history friend or just stopping by, Otto von Bismarck's life and times, and the age in which he lived, deserves your attention. The Iron Chancellor would accept nothing less!

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The ultimatum had expired, and yet somehow, Austria had not declared war on Serbia. What was going on?

Well, despite pushing the crisis forward with reckless abandon, the Austrian chief of staff Conrad von Hotzendorff now seemed awake to the dangers facing the country. The army would not be ready for war until 12 August, he said. This was a shock to the Germans, who continued to expect a lightning Austrian strike at Belgrade. But it did give the diplomats time to do their work.

From Britain, Sir Edward Grey believed a mediation scheme involving four uninvolved powers was the answer. He encouraged Berlin to push this idea, and the Germans did so, but only reluctantly, and out of fear of offending Britain if they did not. But the question of Russia was arguably the most important of all, and the Tsar was apparently now willing to exercise his military muscle by approving the period preparatory to war, and the mobilisation of key military districts.

This should have shown Austria that Russian intervention was highly likely, yet her statesmen continued to forge ahead. They had lost the diplomatic initiative, and they had failed to present Europe with a fait accompli. Instead, the sluggish, conditional Austrian response seemed ideally suited to diplomatic mediation. But would Austria take the easy way out? Incredibly, from Vienna, the answer was still no.

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Here we address the question - now that Austria's ultimatum to Serbia had expired, and the Austrians had evacuated Belgrade, what was Russia going to do about it?

The answer is as complicated as it is controversial. Russia's response revolved around military preparations; specifically, those preparations which would make the mobilisation of its enormous army across such a vast empire easier to carry out. These measures were called the Period Preparatory to War, and on this day, these measures were officially approved by the Tsar and his Ministers. What did this mean? Was the Period Preparatory to War simply mobilisation under a different name, or was it a reasonable response to the crisis, which merely granted Russia more diplomatic leeway?

Unsurprisingly, the answer is contentious. To some, this was the key aggravating factor which transformed the July Crisis from a regional dispute into the world war it became. To others, Russia's preparations may have been inflammatory, but they were not necessarily sinister. Should we take these measures as proof of Russia's intention to orchestrate a world war on favourable terms to themselves? Perhaps we should not go so far, but one thing is certain, by the end of the day, a line had been crossed in St Petersburg.

Once more details leaked out, Austria and Germany were bound to take notice. The question then became - would the Central Powers be scared off, or would they up the ante, seeing in Russia's behaviour yet another bluff which had to be called? Could anyone stop this game of chicken? In fact the Russians were not the only actors willing to be economical with the truth. Another was the French ambassador, Paleologue, and the Austrian Foreign Minister, Berchtold, as well as many German officials, determined to have their localised war and firm in the belief that Russia would back down.

In this episode, we wade through this soup of contradictions, poor communications, mistrust and misinformation, to arrive at some worrying conclusions. Whoever we might claim was responsible, Europe was entering the twilight period of peace, whether contemporaries wished to acknowledge it or not.

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By now, everyone was expecting Austria-Hungary to do something once its ultimatum expired later in the day, but what? And could this response be adjusted, and peace be preserved, if only a certain diplomatic finesse was applied?

In Britain, Sir Edward Grey certainly hoped so. The solution, to him, seemed one of mediation, where the four uninvolved powers - Britain, France, Germany and Italy - gathered to arbitrate the Austro-Serb dispute. The question then became, could Germany be brought on side? Many were doubtful. It did not help that the German claim it had known nothing of the ultimatum was highly suspicious. Was it truly believable that Austria had acted entirely alone? This question informed the responses.

In Russia, Sergei Sazonov continued to lead a firmer and more assertive foreign policy, but to what end? As he learned of the British mediation plans, Sazonov did not rule them out, but he also failed to mention that Russia's preliminary military measures were already underway. It was understood that mobilisation was a dangerous risk, which would complicate mediation efforts. The further these measures had gone by the time mediation got its chance, the harder it would be to save the peace. This was why an extension of Austria's 48 hour deadline became briefly popular - this would give everyone sufficient time to act. Unsurprisingly, Vienna opposed this measure, and it scarcely got off the ground before time had run out, and Serbia handed over its reply.

Contrary to contemporary views and the opinions of historians since, the Serbian reply was not designed to placate Austria. It was instead designed to engender sympathy among the Entente. There was no defiant language or accusations, but Belgrade's response did reject core Austrian demands, and denied that they Vienna possessed sufficient evidence to prosecute its case. As the Austrians fully appreciated, the ultimatum was always designed to be unacceptable, but Serbia's 'perfumed' response, rather than a full throated message of defiance, greatly complicated the situation. Indeed, it was one among many complications of the day, as the glacial pace of Austrian policymaking encountered yet more roadblocks. All the while, in the east, Russian soldiers were marching to their destinations. If there was a chance for peace, then this was surely the last chance.

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We return to our narrative on an eventful day in world history. By the end of 24 July, Russia had established its policy towards Austria's ultimatum. But what was this policy, and why did Russia act so differently to crises in the past?

We find Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Sazonov to be central to the events that transpired next. But what did Sazonov want? He authorised the period preparatory to war, and signalled his intention to support Serbia via war, if it came to that. This did not mean Sazonov was a warmonger, but he had not been entirely honest with the Central Powers either. Moderate advice was given to Serbia, and the Austrian and German ambassadors were informed that Russia would not look lightly upon an Austrian attack. Seeing German tentacles curling around any Austrian initiative, Sazonov felt he could not back down if Russia wished to retain her prestige, but what did this mean in practice?

Further afield, Britain was perhaps the sole power capable of offering a neutral space where mediation could take place. But how attractive were Grey's proposals, and were they likely to appeal to Germany? Did British distractions with the Irish Home Rule crisis impact its effectiveness in this regard? It seemed unlikely that London could rely on France. This time around, the French, represented in St Petersburg by Paleologue, maintained that Russia would find its ally loyally by its side for whatever came next. Such assurances were not designed to pull Russia back, because the prevailing belief in Entente circles was that only a policy of firmness could deter the Central Powers from going further.

However, if all the powers clung to a policy of deterrence, and if none considered backing down, what we are left with is a dangerous game of chicken with no off ramps. Since Sazonov believed that it meant war this time, was this proof of his conspiratorial policy, or simply of his realism? Could the Central Powers have done anything to defuse the crisis, or had the assumption of Russia's retreat blinded them to the disaster they now hurtled towards? All these questions and many more will be addressed in the episodes to come, so I hope you enjoy it!

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After a crazy two months, it's time we had a chat.

In this episode we'll be talking about the Age of Bismarck Patreon series, which has been advertised for years, and requested for even longer. We finally have a release date, and I can't wait to welcome you all to Bismarck's world.

We also talk about the July Crisis series, how it's gone for me so far, and why I feel compelled to change things up. We get a bit personal, but I've never been shy about being honest with you, so thanksss for your patience and enthusiasm!

WDF is entering an exciting new phase, but we have to make sure there's a proper balance between Zack's life and Zack's pod-baby, so that we can do justice to the fascinating projects we have in store for you. See you all...soon!

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By late 1912, it appeared the period of Anglo-German detente was over. The Kaiser assembled a War Council, and apparently planned for a war of domination. In fact, appearances were deceptive, and although Britain and Germany's relationship had been damaged, it was still intact. There now emerged a new opportunity to repair it, as the Balkan Wars brought the two disinterested powers together again.

The two powers had already achieved a great deal by pushing the naval race to the side. But other questions were more difficult. Both France and Germany came to terms with the role of Belgium in their war plans, but only Germany viewed its violation as a necessity. This key aspect of German strategy was already locked in, but this proved a grave miscalculation. That said, opinions in Berlin had arrived at more optimistic conclusions by 1914. Britain, it was said, faced an internal crisis over Ireland, and those intractable problems meant opportunities for the Central Powers.

Yet still, the Anglo-German detente continued, with fascinating trends emerging in the British Foreign Office. For so long dominated by anti-German sentiment and fear of Russia, a new generation of officials were graduating to new positions, and they were less sanguine about the Anglo-Russian relationship. A last minute trip by Grey's private secretary to Berlin suggested a new era of cooperation, but this, like so many other plans, fell to pieces once the Archduke fell in Sarajevo. Here we conclude the story of this underrated relationship, and set the scene for what was to come.

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By late 1911, Germany had been embarrassed by the Second Moroccan Crisis, and the Anglo-French Entente had once again rallied. We might have expected Germany to double down on its provocative naval campaign, to increase the pressure on Britain. In fact, what happened instead was the beginning of a period of Anglo-German detente. This was initiated through the Haldane Mission of spring 1912, which sought to exchange restrictions on naval building with political guarantees.

The mission was not a success, but it did terrify the French, who worked to consolidate their agreements with Britain on the seas, with dramatic consequences. In this tug of war for Britain's friendship, though, her officials were far less free than they may have assumed. A strong current of anti-German sentiment had become entrenched in London, and it would take braver steps to reserve this trend. Could they do so, and snatch peace from the jaws of conflict? Join me here as we continue our look at Anglo-German relations on the eve of war.

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Everyone knows the story of Britain and Germany before 1914. Or at least, they think they do.

Anglo-German relations following the Russo-Japanese War seemed bound to enter a period of hostility, enabled by the naval race which forced London to invest heavily in production and innovation, and produced the dreadnought as an unforeseen consequence. But this race to outbuild the other in warship construction did not lead automatically to the events of 1914. Indeed, many possibilities existed for the two rivals to patch things up.

This was what the French truly feared, but as they prepared for a second showdown with Berlin in Morocco, the British appeared to stand by them. Was the British Cabinet entirely convinced that Germany was its enemy? Many thought so, but again, matters were not so clear cut. Even Kaiser Wilhelm's disastrous record in PR could not guarantee that these two nations, tied together by so many dynastic, religious, traditional and economic threads, would face each other on opposite sides of the battlefield.

In this first part of our trilogy looking at Anglo-German relations, we set the scene and assess some key moments when Germany became the bogeyman of Britain. Yet even as the naval race became a naval scare, and even as Britain secretly planned for an Anglo-French defence, nothing was yet set in stone. The years that immediately preceded the war were vital for the next phase in the relationship - detente.

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Austria-Hungary finally delivered its ultimatum to Serbia nearly four weeks after the assassination of Franz Ferdinand.

The journey had been incredibly slow, and the outcome was nothing like the fait accompli its statesmen had originally envisioned, but Austria had officially taken the bold step towards war. What did this infamous ultimatum contain? Did it leave any possibility for Serbia to accept it with some dignity? One point in particular - the participation by Austrian officials in a Serbian investigation - was bound to be unacceptable in Belgrade. Accompanied by a 48 hour deadline, the ultimatum hit the disparate Serb government, then preparing for elections, like a bomb. All was seemingly going according to plan. Now all Austria had to do was wait for its bombshell to settle in Belgrade. As for Russia, surely the Tsar would not intervene to help regicides, right? RIGHT?!

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On 20 July, the French President, Premier, and other statesmen docked at Kronstadt, aboard the fittingly named France.

It began a tremendous spectacle of Franco-Russian cooperation, just as rumours were swirling of Austria's nefarious intentions. The allies could not know for sure what Vienna was planning, but they could send some strongly worded warnings. As the French President attempted to put steel into his allies, his Premier suffered something akin to a breakdown. Perhaps Rene Viviani was anxious about domestic politics, or perhaps the pacifist Premier was beginning to realise that a great war was more likely. Either way, once they returned to the sea, French policy would be in the hands of Maurice Paleologue, the French ambassador, and it was hard to see him as anything other than a hawk.

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As the French sailed for St Petersburg, the Austro-Hungarian government gathered in Vienna for a meeting of historic importance.

It was here on 19 July 1914 that the infamous ultimatum to Serbia was finalised, but also the question of what kind of war Austria expected to fight. Shockingly, the question of Russian intervention barely registered. The tunnel vision was laser focused on Belgrade, and now that everyone was on the same page, and the pieces in place, nothing could stop Austria-Hungary putting the finishing touches on the most fatalistic policy imaginable. Their decision to move against Serbia was by now an open secret, but amidst the rumour and whisper, the most important step yet towards war had been taken, and this was to take the whole world by surprise.

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As the French President and Premier made their way to Russia, on board the France, they tried their best to keep up to date with what was happening outsides the confines of their vessel. Troubling rumours were not hard to come by, but they could not be wholly ignored. The Central Powers kept up a front of ignorance, even luring Sazonov into a false sense of security. Here we see how the allies reacted to the suspicious news, and how close their intelligence sources came to unearthing the truth. Even though they could not quite put their finger on it, Franco-Russian solidarity was the one constant they could feel confident in.

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With the Austro-Hungarian government on the same page at long last, it remained to follow through with the ultimatum. To Berchtold, this meant moving as quickly and as secretly as possible, so that once the ultimatum arrived in Serbia, Europe would be presented with a fait accompli. The Germans were similarly anxious, and emphasised the necessity of speed.

Still, neither Berlin nor Vienna gave much thought to the Russians. Somehow, a comfortable consensus permeated: Russia would not defend Serbia, but if she did, this was the best time to fight her. The more surprised Russia was, the more likely she was to be overtaken by events. Thanks to Berchtold's carelessness and cracked Italian codes, however, the secret did leak out. Here we examine how this happened, and what it meant for the deteriorating situation.

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In our final episode looking at the Entente, we bring our story up to the eve of the July Crisis.

How had past lessons influenced the way Russia and France interpreted the world by spring 1914? Was war certain? Had new military reforms so affected the balance of power that war was now inevitable? What did the position of Britain mean for the two allies, and why was London so concerned with losing Russia as a friend? Was Germany's effort to match its rivals really sustainable in the long term?

The British strategy of balancing between the two blocs was coming to an end, but how would the Germans react to news that Russia was now courting Britain into the Entente? Was Britain truly as free as she imagined, or was the cold reality of the bloc system about to dawn in London? Still, few contemporaries believed war would come - had the peacemakers not saved Europe from war in the past? Perhaps they had, but there was no guarantee that a spark in a sensitive region would not transform the situation.

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In our second installment of this Entente analysis, we look at the Liman von Sanders crisis.

By late 1913, a new crisis in Russo-German relations centred on the status of General Liman von Sanders, appointed to command the 1st Army Corps at Constantinople. To the Germans, this was a useful way to assert their influence in the Ottoman Empire and rebuild its capabilities after several years of conflict. But to Russia, the appearance of their rival in a theatre earmarked as a sphere of Russian interest seemed akin to a threat.

How would Sergei Sazonov react, and did the resolution of the crisis settle differences, or merely establish resentments and mistrust which reverberated right up to the outbreak of the First World War? Please join us, as we examine this forgotten crisis, assess the growing military power of Russia, its relationship with France, and the possibility that Britain might tie itself more securely to its former rivals. The Entente had come a long way, yet it was far from set in stone...

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In this first of three episodes, we look at the pre-war position of the Entente!

Before we bring our narrative further, it would be useful to turn our attention to what came before. The Franco-Russian alliance was formed in 1894, and over the next twenty years, the two allies experienced their share of ups and downs. Even as new crises shifted the balance of power, France and Russia stuck together. Russia brought the manpower, and France brought the money and expertise which could project that power.

By 1912, certain limits had been set on the alliance, depending on the theatre in question, but Raymond Poincare, Premier and then President of France before the war, worked to remove these breaks, and enhance the alliance. Meanwhile, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Sazonov distinguished himself. After several ignominious retreats on the world stage, both partners were looking for opportunities to stand firm, and show the Triple Alliance they meant business. The inclusion of Britain might affirm the supremacy of the Entente, but first, Russia would have to secure its influence in the Straits.

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As Belgrade burned with rage following the death of Ambassador Hartwig, Berchtold was on the verge of his greatest triumph.

After several intense weeks of pressure, Stefan Tisza seemed finally to be seeing the light. A combination of factors, including German pressure, agitation from his subordinates, fear of Romania, outrage at Serbia, and probably exhaustion, all moved Tisza to accept a policy of war. Tisza was eager to clarify that this did not render him a hawk - he still wished for peace if this was possible. Yet, he no longer blocked the construction of an ultimatum designed to be impossible for Serbia to accept, and he no longer flew the lonely flag for diplomacy. How had Tisza been persuaded, and what did it mean for Berchtold, to finally have a united Cabinet behind him? Here we consider these critical questions, in a pivotal turning point of the July Crisis.

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Now that German support had been acquired, and the delivery of an ultimatum to Serbia was virtually guaranteed, Berchtold had one final mission - to persuade the Hungarian Premier Stefan Tisza of the necessity of war.

This was easier said than done, since Tisza had good reasons for resisting calls for a war which he believed was unnecessary and dangerous. But Berchtold was fortunate in that the Hungarian was in the minority - Tisza was the only senior Habsburg official to press for a diplomatic resolution to the assassination, and he knew he was alone in this. The pressure was bound to increase on him to make the 'right' decision, but just over the border in Serbia, a shocking incident momentarily jolted Berchtold away from his mission.

Nikolai Hartwig, Russian ambassador to Belgrade since 1909, arrived at the Austrian embassy in Belgrade to finally pay his respects. The date was 10 July 1914, and Hartwig was there to counter several unflattering rumours regarding his reaction to the assassination. Hartwig was also keenly interested in any news of Austria's intentions towards Serbia. It had now been a fortnight since the assassination, and surely Vienna did not intend to do nothing. But Hartwig never learned these secrets, because he dropped dead of a massive heart attack just as he and his Austrian colleague were getting down to business. Although what followed contained no shortage of farce and conspiracy, Hartwig's death was yet another red flag, and to Berchtold, it furnished yet more proof that Austria would never be safe so long as Serbia went unpunished.

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By 7 July 1914, Austria-Hungary's leading officials gathered in Vienna. The key item on the agenda was what to do about Serbia, but an unspoken item amounted to what to do about Hungary.

With German support for the punitive strike on Serbia now assured, all that remained was for the Habsburg government to maintain a degree of unity at such a crucial moment in its history. Yet, unfortunately for Berchtold, Stefan Tisza - the Hungarian Minister President or Premier - refused to give his approval for the kind of aggressive policy most in Vienna now wanted. Tisza feared the acquisition of more Slavic territories, which would dilute the Hungarian influence, but he was also fearful of Russian intervention on Serbia's side, and Romanian intrusions into Transylvania.

The solution, as Berchtold understood it, was to up the ante. Pressure would be heavily applied on the Hungarian holdout, and an impression of firmness would be presented to the German ally. After many years second guessing her ally, Germany had now signalled its willingness to support Austria regardless of the complications, and this gift could not be squandered. Yet still, Tisza's position was not irrational, and it was at least possible that the Hungarian could have an outsized impact on Austrian policy.

Indeed, as we will see, Stefan Tisza was instrumental in delaying the Austrian response, removing its element of surprise, and increasing the risks surrounding it. Berchtold could not change the 1867 Compromise which granted Hungary such powers, but he could use his contacts to wear Tisza down, and make him more amenable to a swift, firm response. Whether this was war, or diplomatic triumph, or whether an ultimatum should be sent at all, were matters which were still to be hammered out.

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With the blank cheque secured, Austria had received its ally's blessing to pursue a punitive strike against Serbia - what would happen next?

The morass of questions surrounding this development deserve greater examination, but you may be wondering, just how widespread was the pro-war party in Vienna? How many officials believed that only war with Serbia could fix the Empire's chronic problems, and why did they take this position considering the risks involved? In this episode we are introduced to a memorandum published on 6 July by Berthold Molden, a senior Habsburg author, philosopher and politician in the Austrian press office. If you've ever wanted to hear from an official contemporary source outside of the traditional coterie of conspirators, which historians have paid scant attention to in the past, then this episode is for you. Expect fascinating insights into Austria's psyche, damning indictments of Austria's position, and heavy condemnation of Serbia, Russia, and any other power who stood in Austria's way.

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Among all the controversies of the July Crisis, perhaps few compare to Germany's decision to provide Austria-Hungary with a 'blank cheque' for whatever policy it intended to adopt towards Serbia. In fact, word from Berlin suggested that the German government was impatient, and wanted Austria to strike Serbia as soon as possible. But, did this represent a German desire to launch a world war? As we see in this episode, the truth is more nuanced, but no less shocking. Germany was not seeking world war, but to repair the damage done to its ally by destroying the incessant Serbian threat once and for all.

But how would Vienna do this? Would she annex Serbia, or parts of it? Would she reduce her sufficiently to reorientate Serbian policy away from irredentist expansion in Bosnia? What divisions manifested themselves in Austria even as she strove desperately to recoup her position? More importantly, in the event of war between Austria and Serbia, could Russia reasonably be expected to stand aside? Incredibly, the status of Russia was not given nearly enough attention, but this was a sign of things to come, as the Habsburg grievance machine rumbled steadily onwards...

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Now that Vienna had decided to use war against its Serbian neighbour, the mission became one of guaranteeing German support. As we discuss in this episode, in Austria's estimation it was far from certain that Berlin would give this support. The record of diplomatic crises and cooperation in recent years suggested that Germany might even try to contain Austria's response, and prevent it acquiring the satisfaction it needed.

To confront this dilemma, Austrian Foreign Minister Count Berchtold rallied his colleagues around him, and plotted to confront the Kaiser once Franz Ferdinand's funeral took place. Unfortunately for him, the Kaiser was not coming. Vienna was too unsafe, it was said in private, and Germany would not risk its Emperor if the Serbs struck again. Such an embarrassing turn of events forced Berchtold to consider plan B. If Germany would not come to him, he would send his best men to Germany instead...

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With the shots heard round the world, how would Austro-Hungarian statesmen react to the news that the heir to their throne had been murdered in Sarajevo? In fact, as we see here, Austrian patience towards Serbia had been so exhausted by 1914 that a violent, warlike response was virtually inevitable. At least, Habsburg Foreign Minister Count Berchtold thought so. But what about the Hungarian element in the room?

Since the Compomise of 1867, Austria and Hungary had essentially become two cooperating entities, rather than an Austrian whole, so Hungarian approval from the Hungarian Premier would be necessary if any military policy was pursued. Berchtold would have to use all his skills of persuasion, but he would also call upon Emperor Franz Josef, and above all the Germans, to add greater pressure. Could he succeed? Austria's existence, Berchtold believed, hung in the balance.

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On 28 June 1914, Franz Ferdinand was assassinated by Gavrilo Princip, a Bosnian Serb terrorist.

What followed was the July Crisis, as Austria-Hungary attempted to gain a measure of justice, or even revenge. No story of the July Crisis is complete without beginning here, but considering its infamy, what is there left to learn about this assassination and all that flowed from it? I would like to humbly invite you to join me, as I investigate how the act was carried out, what other assassination attempts in Sarajevo meant, why Franz Ferdinand's unique circumstances made the atrocity possible, and why the Austrians really should have seen it all coming...

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In this teeny tiny episode, we look at the Italian invasion of Libya and the Balkans Wars!

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How do you kill the status quo? By forming a league of extraordinary states, who want nothing less than to destroy the empire which has ruled over them for centuries. When the Balkan War began in October 1912, Europe was far from ready for the implications which would follow. The end of Turkish rule in Europe, and the expansion of young nation states eager to prove themselves appeared to guarantee that the peninsula would never be quiet again. Yet, aside from Europe, Russia had played a key role in bringing this league to life. To this, we may be tempted to ask why?

The answer is found in the Austro-Russian rivalry, but also in the opportunistic mood of the moment. The Balkan League's members - Serbia, Montenegro, Bulgaria and Serbia - were not traditional allies. Yet they were certainly capable of smelling blood in the water. In September 1911, Italy invaded Libya, and instigated a year-long war with the Ottoman Empire. Watching their overlord struggle with such a wide-ranging campaign, the Balkan League seized the moment, and attacked just as Italy met the Turks at the peace table.

What followed was the shocking disintegration of Turkish power in Europe, at a scale and speed no one expected. Yet, even though the League had won the day, the spoils proved harder to divide up among them. Hostility increased between Serbia and Bulgaria over the fate of Macedonia, and when a second war came, the ensuing dogpile by the Ottomans, Serbs, Greeks and Romanians shattered Bulgaria apparently for good.

By autumn 1913, a different question thus emerged. If the Balkan states were justified in throwing off the Ottoman yolk and expanding their powers, just how much expansion was too much? In Vienna's view, the Serbian threat had become intolerable. The only solution was to threaten her with ruin, and prevent Serbian occupation of Albania, including an Adriatic port. Germany stood behind her, Russia backed down, but this was the last such victory of the Central Powers.

In this episode we weigh up the impact of these pre-war conflicts, with a depth and obsession for nerdy details you've never seen before! Join me as I attempt to navigate such a turbulent world, where old assumptions were slain, traditional rivalries were reinforced, and a new order beckoned.

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In our second background episode, we cover the Bosnian Annexation Crisis from 1908-1909!

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From late 1908 to spring 1909, European attentions were intensely occupied by the Austrian decision to annex the province of Bosnia Herzegovina, which it had occupied since 1878. This decision spurred into life fascinating impressions and behaviours which became even more important in 1914. Russia was humiliated, Serbia was enraged, Austria learned the value of an ultimatum, and Germany stood resolutely by its ally. Meanwhile, the British and French looked on, concerned that the Balkans might activate the war they had been secretly preparing for behind closed doors. The annexation is thus a key point on our journey towards the war, so I hope you're ready to get into it! 

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In our first background episode, we look at the formation of the Triple Alliance and Triple Entente.

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By 1890, the new German Kaiser Wilhelm II officially 'dropped the pilot', and assumed the powers of German foreign policy into his own hands. Within a few years, Russia had slipped from his grasp into the eager arms of France. The Second Holy Alliance of Bismarck's days was over, henceforth Europe would be dominated by two distinct power blocs.

As we will see in this episode, the reality behind the firm front each bloc put up was far from representative of the truth. Disputes existed, from colonial spheres to military conventions, to old antagonisms and new plots. How reliable was the Italian element? Could the Germans and Russians reach across the divide, and forge a new path independent of these barriers? And, what to do with those powers outside these groups?

The first of these was Britain, whose status as an isolated power living her best life was about to come to a screeching halt. Interestingly, the power Britain elected to ally with, to announce its return to the Concert of Europe, was a rising power in Asia, Japan. Even more interestingly, Japan was to play a pivotal role upending the apple cart of several decades of assumptions - foremost among them, the insurmountable power of Russia.

Russia's loss in the war with Japan, official by October 1905, shattered the existing balance of power. Into this dynamic situation, Britain drew closer to France, and further from a German partnership which had seemed the most likely outcome. By 1907, Britain went still further, embarking on a brave new course by looking at Russia as something of a friend. If not a friend, then at least a partner.

The closer alignment of Britain, Russia and France into a Triple Entente, however, was little more than a French dream at this stage. It was impossible to plan ahead when those wretched Balkans never seemed to stay quiet...

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How do historians explain the outbreak of the First World War, and how have these views changed over the last century? Were they influenced by new perspectives, new motives, or new source materials? How have they influenced our current understanding of the war's origins, and what impact have they had on the 'mainstream' view of why war broke out? In this episode we go on a journey through the historical record, where new theories and explanations emerged, in the teeth of contentious debate.

For some, the pursuit of truth was a matter of justice - finding significance in the loss. For others, it was a political necessity, to rehabilitate their nation. For others still, it was a mere matter of historical study - the need to find the truth, and be the first person to do so. Whatever the motives - whatever the results - the story behind how historians reached their conclusions, and how these conclusions changed, represents one of the most fascinating and important aspects of the First World War's origins story, and I can't wait to share it with you! 

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Welcome history friend, to this exciting new series!

110 years to the day since Franz Ferdinand was assassinated in Sarajevo, and a decade on from our July Crisis Anniversary Project, I believe there has never been a better time to jump back into this world. This is a brand new series, and I have been working on it for some time now.

In this episode, we set some things straight. This is not a remaster, a re-release, or any form of recycling. Oh no, we're here for something far more special. Armed with my new expertise, far too many sources to count, and a renewed passion for this pivotal era, we are ready to bring you the July Crisis like you've never seen it before!

If our July Crisis Anniversary Project was a rigorously scheduled day-by-day account of the last few weeks of peace in 1914, this series is a different beast. Content is our focus this time around - deep dives, fascinating studies, and a more comprehensive analysis of the how and the why behind the descent into war in summer 1914.

If you're at all curious about how the First World War erupted; if you've never listened to the July Crisis Anniversary Project - and especially if you have - this series is for you! Please join me over the next few months, in this post-PhD gift to myself, as we bring this complicated, fascinating, tragic world to life, 110 years after it all fell to pieces.

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Here we finish 1956, with the final episode in the series wrapping up Eden's story, and the Conclusion episode, wrapping up this eventful year.

The Prime Minister, once so revered, had irreparably damaged his reputation by acting as he did in the Suez Crisis. While on paper the record stated that Britain and France had acted with the most noble of intentions, in reality, as Eden well knew, the ambitions had been far more rudimentary and straightforward, and the miscalculations far more grave, than Eden would ever let on. He would meet his maker still parroting the lies which had so stupefied his political rivals, frustrated his allies and outraged the Western powers.

How can we explain Eden’s policy? How did the British political nation react afterwards? Was it ever possible to leave Suez behind? Did the incident significantly damage Anglo-Americans, as we are sometimes led to believe? Did it result in a downturn of British fortunes in the Middle East? All of these are critical questions, so I hope you’ll join me to investigate them as we tackle Anthony Eden, the Suez Crisis and this fascinating year of 1956 in one more eventful episode.

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Episode 2.20: Americans & Soviets examines the involvement of the Cold War’s primary protagonists in the Suez Crisis.

At long last, we bring the events in Hungary full circle with events in Egypt, and assess whether Anthony Eden’s crimes doomed Hungary after all. In short, we bring everything full circle in 1956. What the events of this year demonstrated, between the Soviet aggressions in Hungary and the Anglo-French adventures in Egypt, was that a strong United Nations was critical for the sake of the peace of the world. ‘I agree with you’, said Eden, ‘and that was why I acted as I did in the first place!’ While the Prime Minister was in full-blown deception mode, his political rivals in the Commons were far from satisfied. Their curiosity was piqued, rather than satiated, and they latched onto the inconsistencies in Eden’s version of events like dogs latched onto a bone. In the end, their suspicious persistence would prove correct, though even they would be startled by just how far Eden had gone.

To a great many British citizens and statesmen, it was easier to believe the narrative parroted by the Government. To suppose that the Government could have acted so rashly and aggressively was the antithesis of Conservative governance, and of a sensible foreign policy which the Tory ideology was meant to stand for. Not only that, but the version of events Eden parroted – that Britain had saved the peace by compelling the UN to offer up a peacekeeping force – enabled many Britons to feel proud of their country’s contribution to peace. They would have had good cause to feel proud, had there been any shred of truth to what the PM had said. It was clear to him by the end of 7th November that his choices had had consequences. Not only Egypt, but the relationship with the Americans, the powers of the Soviets and the nature of the Cold War itself had all been affected. It was at this moment, that Eden decided it was time for a holiday…

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1956 Episode 2.19 examines Eden efforts to completely redefine what the Suez Crisis had meant, and what Britain’s role in the crisis had been.

From the afternoon of 6th November, with a ceasefire in the air, a UN Emergency Force still had to be negotiated. Eden could claim that British and French forces were sticking around in Egypt only for the purpose of maintaining peace and protecting the Suez Canal. Yet, his critics could argue that Britain and France broke the peace in the first place, and that the Canal was now only blocked because of British and French belligerence.

For his sins, Eden’s Party would be attacked in the Commons on the 6th November by the Labour Leader, until, shortly after 6PM, he decided to spill the beans to his peers in the Commons. No, he wasn’t about to tell the truth, instead he was about to put forward the polished turd of an explanation for why Britain had acted as it did. We quote from Eden in full in this episode, as we are reliant on the good folks at Hansard for making the all-important speeches in the Commons over these heady days freely accessible to all.

Primary sources help build a story like no other, and here we can hear the British PM say the exact words he said at ten past six on 6th November. Words which, it would transpire, were based in the main on lies which Eden knew to be lies from the beginning. The British PM, as we learned last time, was now engaging in a new strategy – damage control. He was determined to make Britain look as good, as noble and as heroic as possible while doing it. By the end of his diatribe, one could be forgiven for thinking that the world owed Britain some heartfelt thanks. Only Eden and a closed circle of allies knew the truth, but it couldn’t stay this way for long…

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1956 Episode 2.18 brings us to a critical point in the narrative, where Anthony Eden decided that a ceasefire was in fact favourable after all!

So just what had changed? Thanks to Harold Macmillan, Eden was persuaded that the economic situation in Britain was close to breaking point, and the Treasury Secretary greatly inflated the figures to ape a crisis which could not be avoided, unless peace was reached. Explaining this event necessitates a small investigation into the elements of truth in Macmillan’s economic doomsaying, as well as a deeper examination of Macmillan’s motives. Was the Treasury Secretary motivated by the hopeless Egyptian situation, or by his political ambition to oust Eden and take his spot?

As the title of the episode indicates though, much of our time is spent on examining the incredible transformation in British aims which took place over the day of 6th November. With news that Egypt would not be capitulating now common knowledge among his peers, Eden determined to change virtually every aspect of the Egyptian campaign. If a ceasefire would have be implemented, then it was necessary Britain control the narrative which led to this ceasefire. This Eden did, with a breath-taking disregard for the truth.

Britain, so the PM claimed, had gone to Egypt not to remove Nasser, recoup prestige or recapture the Suez Canal, but to prevent the Egyptian-Israeli war from spilling over into neighbouring countries and, most incredibly of all, to draw the conflict to the attention of the UN. This latter goal was ludicrous, but Eden insisted until the end that because the UN Emergency Force was en route, this ‘aim’ of his had been successful.

This recasting of Britain’s role in the Crisis was never going to fool everyone, but it was immensely convenient now that Eden possessed someone to blame – the Americans – and something noble to cling on to – the idea that Britain had acted in the interests of the world. It was a combination which he was to uphold for the rest of his life, with the most damning of consequences for his legacy and Party. 

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1956 Episode 2.17 looks at Anthony Eden’s furious efforts to shape the debate on the British intervention in Egypt in the first few days of November, 1956.

Our story on 5th November where, just as British and French paratroopers were landing on Port Said, the British Government was fighting its own battle in the House of Commons. Selwyn Lloyd, the beleaguered Foreign Secretary, was tasked with standing up for British foreign policy in light of the emerging controversies. At this stage, the idea that there could have been collusion was vehemently denied, but for now, it was bad enough that Britain had acted without American support, defied the UN and failed to appraise all parties of the policy it planned to put forward.

There seemed a great deal of secrecy underway, and while he couldn’t quite put his finger on it, Hugh Gaitskell, Labour Party leader, knew that something was up. Gaitskell wasn’t the only one; his Labour colleagues fired a succession of difficult questions at Lloyd, who by now probably wished he had stood up to Eden when he’d had the chance. Lloyd was able to open the debates of 5th November with some good news – the resolution on the UN Emergency Force had been approved in the UN General Assembly, meaning that a peace force could soon be sent to the trouble spot of the Middle East. What stood out from this resolution though was the fact that the British and French had abstained rather than vote for it in the UN. This stunned and deeply angered the opposition, who believed that yet another opportunity for peace had been lost.

Hungary remained a topic on the lips of many, and few backbenchers on either side could ignore the fact that this crisis distracted perfectly from what was happening in Budapest. Still though, the Tories insisted – their intervention had been right, and peace would now be guaranteed. Eden’s government was now banking above all on a capitulation from President Nasser, which it was hoped would come once the Anglo-French forces landed in number on the following morning of 6th November. This victory would surely mask the terrible embarrassment which had preceded it, but here, it was made clear that not all were convinced. Something was afoot, yet even despite the objections of his peers, neither Eden nor Lloyd gave in. They had come to far to give up now. Might would make right, because in the confused international circumstances presented by the 1950s, it was only rational to conclude that Britain knew best… 

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1956 Episode 2.16 introduces the fascinating Canadian element into our story.

Eden’s efforts to control the discussion continued, as the Prime Minister sought to make the British people see things wholly his way. To some extent he would succeed, but much like his French counterparts, it was proving immensely difficult to control what people thought deep down about this strangely brave but also incredibly reckless action. For a few fleeting hours, it appeared as though Eden had judged correctly – it was nice to see the entente cruising into battle again without the American say-so. But this pride would evaporate once it became clear how alone Britain and France were in this plot.

Seemingly to the rescue in this equation was Lester Pearson, Canada’s Foreign Secretary and a critically important statesmen in the early Cold War era. An advocate of a police force controlled by the United Nations, and an enthusiastic supporter of negotiations taking place in the General Assembly, where many smaller states were represented, Pearson quickly became the face of solving Suez. This, of course, was not to Eden’s wishes, who wanted to crush Nasser, not be bailed out of his country. But even the PM had to make a show of going along with his proposals for the sake of good press, and before long, a stunning proposal was gathering momentum. A United Nations Emergency Force was the solution proposed by Pearson, and even while proposals in the General Assembly were not legally binding, Pearson soon counted several supporters eager to contribute men to this force.

The task of persuading the British and French to make peace and hold back while this force was assembled was another issue entirely of course. As we’ll soon discover, the art of backing down was something which Eden soon gravitated towards, as he moved to recast his country not as an interventionist power, but as one acting explicitly in the interests of the UN, and of course, of world peace. Until he had the opportunity to manipulate the truth though, the PM would have to rely on his Canadian friends to change the debate, and bring about a solution which even he could accept. It was destined to be a busy next few days.

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1956 Episode 2.15 resumes the story of Anthony Eden and his struggle to implement the once perfect plan upon his unwilling nation.

Having been challenged passionately at home by a disbelieving political nation in the last episode, here we see this suspicion and fear transplanted to Britain’s supposed allies, and to the United Nations. It was within the UN that some of the sneakiest and indefensible behaviour took place, as Britain was forced to veto measures which would have ordered a ceasefire between Egypt and Israel. This put her forward, alongside France, as a disturber of the peace, and as the hypocritical Soviets rushed to condemn her actions, the American reaction also became apparent.

Having operated on the ludicrous assumption that President Eisenhower would fall into line, Eden was faced instead with the quite predictable scene of a confused, hesitant and deeply suspicious President, who could not bring himself to believe that Eden had actually done what he had done. Evidently, the PM was operating according to his own interests, and had failed to consider the fallout of his schemes, yet Eden never seemed to have paused for a moment, before it all kicked off, to think about what would happen if anything went wrong.

As further attempts were made to class the British act as legally justified, to the immense consternation of those legal officers who had insisted this was impossible, British foreign policy bungled its way through negotiations in the UN General Assembly, as John Foster Dulles came out strongly against the Anglo-French act. The news of an ultimatum had been delivered in the late afternoon of 30th October, according to their carefully laid plans. Now, the Egyptians would resist, the Israelis would compromise and make peace, and all would see that Egypt was the problem which only Anglo-French arms could solve. This delusional plan, while it had demonstrated several holes already, remained the hymn sheet of the British government. For better or worse, as Hungary was crushed under Soviet boots, and an Anglo-French flotilla approached the first military target in Egypt, everything must go according to plan.

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1956 Episode 2.14 takes us to the scenes facing Anthony Eden in Britain in the final days of October.

Having orchestrated an Israeli-Egyptian war, the plan now was to issue an ultimatum, and for Anglo-French forces to swoop into Egypt to separate the two belligerents. Such a noble act, Eden believed, would cloak the fact that Britain and France were really there to oust Nasser, recoup prestige and occupy the Suez Canal for Western benefit. It was a thoroughly imperialistic, backwards set of policy aims that moved Eden’s government forward, and what he seems to never have suspected during the time he spent crafting it, was just how the opposition in Britain would respond.

Incredibly, the PM seems to have expected everyone to have just believed him and his bare-faced lies. The fact that they did not and that many were aghast as the British act in tandem with France and acting outside of the realm of the UN forced Eden to go on the defensive. The PM had completely underestimated the situation, and he was now put in a position where he would have to lie in order to defend himself.

Amidst rumours which put it that he was largely to blame for the Crisis which was unfolding, Eden would insist that British forces were operating with France to keep the peace, and to protect the interests of the world, represented in the Suez Canal. What a noble set of goals, except of course, the claims were full of hot air. Under such circumstances were political and military disasters made, but the PM had made his bed, conspiratorial and confused as it had been. Now he would be forced to lie in it. 

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1956 Episode 2.13 examines the final moments of peace between 25-29 October, as the conspiracy to attack Egypt and make it look like an accident developed further.

In Britain, the focus was on the legal argument still, even despite the clear problems which Britain’s legal advisors in the Foreign Office had in painting any British attack on Egypt as legally justified. While some less informed Cabinet members, like the Lord Chancellor, insisted that there was grounds for claiming that British rights were involved and intervention justified, the majority of the legal profession disagreed. Anthony Eden meanwhile sought to lie and deceive his way towards the conflict, letting no hints drop in the meantime that what was to come would profoundly affect Britain’s position in the world.

The French and Israeli governments were already actively mobilised for war, involved as each was in its own miniature struggle for supremacy which promised to tie into the Egyptian situation. For France, it was Algeria and President Nasser’s tireless support of the enemies of France. For Israel it was President Nasser’s threatening Pan-Arabism and his refusal to permit Israel to access the Suez Canal. While these schemes progressed, hints were dropped and Egyptian nerves were frayed.

Surely though, it would not be possible to initiate such a conflict – surely the UN, or the US, or NATO or something would prevent such a 19th century approach to international relations from taking place? Indeed, in this strange transition period between world war, decolonisation and the increasing focus on domestic matters, here were three powers about to turn back the clock in policy and behaviour, in the name of a plan which was soon to shatter world opinion, and dramatically alter the debate. Our story is heating up, so make sure you don’t miss a minute of this incredible instalment here! 

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1956 Episode 2.12 takes us to the 22-24 October 1956, where the war plan that would create the Suez Crisis was created, developed and signed by Britain, France and Israel in an unassuming Parisian suburb.

This process was, of course, far from straightforward or guaranteed to produce a result. It required the French reassuring both the Israeli and British representatives about the solid nature of their plan, and it also demonstrated the lack of tact which Selwyn Lloyd in particular seemed to possess. One of the most incredible scenes though comes near the end of the episode when, on the evening of 24th October, Britain’s representatives return home to Anthony Eden with a copy of the Sevres Protocol in hand, only to come under rhetorical attack for leaving this paper trail in the course of their top secret discussions.

Eden was well aware that there could be no evidence of what had been done at Sevres, and he would send these men back to France to track down and destroy any pieces of evidence that remained. The Prime Minister, of course, was already planning ahead to what he would say when word of the Crisis got out. For the sake of plausible deniability, Eden wished there to be no evidence and no written record of the collusion. Thankfully for historians since, Eden’s wishes were not fulfilled. Here was the last piece of the Suez puzzle being set in place, so I hope you’ll give it a listen and enjoy!

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1956 Episode 2.11 finally takes us to that controversial moment when Britain, France and Israel began to move closer together.

The Sevres Protocol was neither developed nor signed in a day, and in the first two weeks of October, negotiations critically important to the later conflict were underway. At first, Foreign Secretary Selwyn Lloyd hoped to make use of the UN Security Council to gain British satisfaction in Egypt, and for a time he was successful in this aim, because Anthony Eden was ill and unable to order his subordinate around. Once Eden recovered though, Eden ramped up the pressure, and Lloyd was encouraged, alongside his French counterpart, to torpedo the negotiations in the Security Council which had aimed at a peaceful resolution.

While this peace effort was frustrated, a looming conflict aside from all these considerations began to develop. This involved Jordan, Britain’s firm ally in the Middle East, and he difficult relationship with Israel, the newly established ally of the French. Since neither the French nor British wished to see their newfound entente drift apart, the French government determined it would be better to spill the beans on what was being agreed with Israel rather than watch the different allies initiate an unwanted war in the region. Thus, the French travelled to Chequers, Anthony Eden’s swanky manor home, on 14th October 1956, to initiate the first step of the collusion which was to become infamous. At first hesitant, Eden was soon convinced of the genius of the plan – Britain, France and Israel would work together against the common Egyptian foe, and this partnership would surely sink President Nasser once and for all.

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1956 Episode 2.10 takes us to the Commonwealth, seen as so vital to British interests, but fracturing over the question of the best course of action to take against President Nasser.

The Canadian, Australian and NZ governments were all uneasy at the prospect of war, and some, like the Canadian Foreign Minister Lester Pearson, advocated a diplomatic approach. While Eden forged ahead with an aggressive policy, torpedoing another conference on the Suez Canal in the process, he increasingly began to alienate the Americans. The PM didn’t seem to care what other nations thought, though he was eager to make even better friends with the French throughout September. It was around this time in our story that things in France began to change – they were increasingly coming to provide weapons and support to a new ally – Israel.

Largely because of French prodding and intrigue, the Israeli element of the story became all important. While the British were not yet let in on the plan, Franco-Israeli military cooperation and supply deals were paving the way towards a more trusting, beneficial relationship which could soon be exploited. The Israeli government, led by David Ben-Gurion, was also desirous of a war with Egypt, that nation which had threatened his own with destruction time and time again. The dilemma was that Israel could not be seen as the aggressor, but how was such a war then to be crafted and set in motion? Scheming heads were set together, and before long, a solution more incredible than anyone could have imagined was brought into being… 

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1956 Episode 2.9 looks at that moment which has become infamous in history – the collusion between Britain, France and Israel.

We are almost ready to see these sneaky meetings take place, and for the infamous agreement take shape, but first, it is worth investigating another important and underrated angle of the Crisis. The key element of the Suez Crisis story that demonstrates how low Britain sank must be the manifest failure of the British Government to develop any legal argument in favour of their interventionist actions. In the past, formulating such an argument was simple – an act of aggression against British interests or allies was enough to provoke a war. Now though, the whole issue was a good deal trickier.

For one, the Suez Canal Company may have been a British ‘interest’, but it was also by no means damaged by the nationalisation of late July 1956. Second, try as he might, Eden failed in his efforts to convince the opposition and many of his peers that legally, Britain had a case in Egypt. Not only was Nasser working hard not to give Eden any excuse at this stage, but he had even compensated British shareholders in the Canal Company in previous months. While many would argue that Nasser’s use of force to nationalise the Canal Company was unsavoury, it was not, in the strictest sense, illegal, because Nasser was only taking what was in his country, and thus his to take.

In this episode we are introduced to Sir Gerald Fitzmaurice, a person of foremost importance thanks to his legal work in the British Foreign Office. Fitzmaurice’s task was to find legal justification for an Anglo-French war in Egypt. This, as Fitzmaurice was made aware, was an impossible task. It was to Eden’s immense frustration that Fitzmaurice’s integrity was greater than his ‘loyalty’ or ‘patriotism’ – the legal officer refused to give Eden the legal justification he desired.

While on the surface this seems like an unimportant sequence of events, Fitzmaurice’s convictions here demonstrated clearly at the time, and speak loudly to this day, the fact that Eden’s interventionist policy in Egypt was baseless, and was devoid of the honour or noble intentions he would later claim. If the Prime Minister couldn’t even get his minion in the Foreign Office to see ‘sense’, then how on earth was he going to persuade the rest of the world? This question, as we’ll see, was far from Eden’s thoughts. If he couldn’t get legal approval, then he would move along with the plan regardless…

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1956 Episode 2.8 examines the increasingly secretive plotting which took place behind the scenes in early autumn 1956.

While Eden worked feverishly to make the conflict he desired come together, the countless variables continued to haunt him. We see here a glimpse of a common theme which will occupy us later on – the use of legal arguments to support the Anglo-French operation, on the grounds that Nasser had infringed upon British ‘rights’ and that Britain was thus entitled to compensation. In this episode we also are introduced to one of banes of Eden’s life, the leader of the Labour Party Hugh Gaitskell, who insisted that intervention in Egypt was wrong, and who began to suspect that something unsavoury was afoot despite what Eden told him.

Gaitskell was not the only one. Further abroad, the American desire to have a conference of Suez Canal users was met with private indignation from the British and French, whose governments would uphold to the end that Washington did not understand what was needed to deal with a man like Nasser. Increasingly, comparisons with Nasser to Hitler, and the idea that Britain must not ‘appease’ such figures yet again, did the rounds. Eden was determined to have his interventionist cake and eat it, and he instructed his Foreign Office deputies to look into the Charter of the United Nations as well. With so many different avenues to justification, Eden was certain that at least one of them had to provide a path to conflict. As we’ll see, he was ultimately to be disappointed.

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1956 Episode 2.7 examines the steps which led towards the military intervention in Egypt, by placing the British behaviour in its imperial context.

In spring 1955, Britain remained a premier power in the Middle East, while American representation in that theatre was not particularly impressive, save for the commercial connections which American citizens had with the different oil barons there. In the space of a year though, disquiet in the Middle East and several threats to Britain’s sphere of influence there emerged, crowned by Nasser’s refusal to fall in line. The personality of Anthony Eden stands out during these eventful months, as the veteran Tory statesman appears to have been wholly unable to accept the new status quo, or the rebellious qualities of a once docile corner of the Empire.

Even before the nationalisation of the Suez Canal Company, Eden was adamant that Nasser was not to be bargained with, and certainly not to be trusted. Convinced of this view, he sought to make all of his peers – both at home and abroad – come to see it this way as well. Such efforts were not wholly successful, as even following the nationalisation, Eden found to his horror that several of his peers in Government, and particularly the opposition, were not convinced that force needed to be used.

Was the nationalisation of the Canal Company really such a big deal, did it really require a war with Egypt? As per the terms of the military plans already made with France, preparations completely out of the view of Parliament were underway. Here Eden followed what was to become his modus operandi during the Crisis – acting with the approval and support of only a few peers, while everyone else was kept in the dark. This policy, while making everything faster, was to prove lethal once everything blew up in Eden’s face… 

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1956 Episode 2.6 looks at the increasingly close cooperation between Britain and France in light of the signal defeat of Western imperialist ambitions in Egypt.

We open our episode with a defining scene – President Nasser’s nationalisation of the Suez Canal. The nationalisation of the Canal was not the moment that the world flocked to condemn Nasser’s regime, as Anthony Eden may have hoped. For a time, the Egyptian leader would be seen as unstable, aggressive and unreasonable, but this bad press would die down as the Egyptians proved themselves very capable in handling the new responsibilities which the Suez Canal Company presented.

After convincing himself that the nationalisation of the Canal represented a national humiliation for he and his government, Eden proceeded to cement the Anglo-French commitment in the days that followed. Only 24 hours after the nationalisation occurred, French government ministers and the French premier were talking of travelling to London.

Within a week, military plans were being developed. These plans would be carried out by WW2 era weaponry, under WW2 era ideas of strategy, and even in the same secret bunkers under the Thames which had been used by Churchill to plan a resistance to the Nazis. Yet, this latest iteration of the entente cordiale was to prove anything but glorious, since at its heart was the desire to turn back the clock, and preserve the systems and status quo which held the developing world in permanent bondage. This mission was to doom Eden’s career and lead to the deaths of so many lives, and its planning stage began here.

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1956 Episode 2.5 looks at British commitments in the Middle East, and how setbacks there could massively drag down ideas of British ‘prestige’ in that region.

What did the French have to fear from Colonel Nasser, and how did this tie in with later Anglo-French agreements? The answers can be found here. Also of note in this episode is the moment when the Anglo-American loan to Nasser was cancelled, which meant that the Egyptian leader would be unable to construct his Aswan Dam.

With this setback for Nasser came Anthony Eden’s effort to paint the event as a personal triumph for himself, when in reality, Britain had been led by the Americans. Speaking of Eden, here we receive our first glimpse of the Prime Minister which suggest that he may not have been the flawless, crusading statesmen of the 1930s, and that he was, on the contrary, exactly what Britain did NOT need right now...

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1956 Episode 2.4 examines Britain's embarrassing and dissatisfying efforts to try and make Egypt see sense.

Here we see what kind of Government Anthony Eden led, and how he shook it up, or failed to shake it up, after he assumed the premiership in spring 1955. Anthony may have deserved his turn, but he would quickly exhaust the sense of goodwill he had built up over the years. In spite of his reputation for integrity and bravery when standing up to the appeasement policy of the 1930s, Eden proved wholly ill-equipped for dealing with this strange new world. Emerging from Churchill’s shadow, he felt extra pressures to act as though nothing had changed, and to pursue a Conservative foreign policy mindset as though he was still living in the 1930s.

After setting Eden’s premiership in context, we switch gears to President Nasser’s policy. Nasser had great ambitions for his country, and these centred on getting Egypt on track technologically, and fixing the grave problems which geography and poverty presented. The Aswan Dam was a radical solution which would solve these problems in one go. By the construction of this billion dollar project, the Nile could be harnessed, disastrous floods avoided, and the energy of nature made proper use of for industrial purposes. It seemed like the ideal solution, save for the key problem that Nasser lacked the kind of money required to engage in this building project.

While he was increasingly turning towards the Soviets for arms, for the moment, he was happy to look to the Anglo-American bankers to put up the funds.

The decision of the Americans and British to put up the money for this construction project may seem, in the context of the mid-1950s and especially considering what would follow, like a very odd decision indeed. Yet, as we’ll see, the Aswan Dam was not the investment opportunity which the British had hoped. Instead, once they and the Americans reneged on the deal, it proved to be the nail in the coffin of the already shaky Anglo-Egyptian relationship, and the beginning of a road towards conflict and crisis.

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1956 Episode 2.3 examines British views of Suez and Nasser's new Egyptian regime.

As the British government underwent a change and waved goodbye to great old men like Churchill, it was clear at the same time that this new government had no intention of changing its imperial tune. Egypt was a place to be held onto, not relinquished; Nasser was a figure to be loathed, rather than cooperated with; British prestige, as much as her long-standing strategic and security interests, depended on holding the Canal. That neither Churchill nor his successor in Anthony Eden proved capable of holding Nasser back speaks volumes about the awakening in Egyptian national consciousness which was beginning in the 1950s.

As the men at the top of the coup finished their own struggles and Colonel Nasser surged ahead, it became apparent that Egypt was in something of an ideal position. It had its problems of course, and its legacies of poverty and inequality for days, but it was in an ideal strategic position at the same time. Poised as the link between Africa and the Middle East, Egypt was the crossroads between different worlds. It was also, potentially, a crossroads in the Cold War, but for the moment, Nasser knew that his bread was buttered on its Western side.

Before conflict and crisis had their day, negotiation and diplomacy were allowed to flourish in this Anglo-Egyptian relationship. An agreement for policing the Suez Canal and for mobilising it during wartime was signed with the Cairo government. To insulate these deals, a Northern Tier system of alliances with other Middle Eastern states like Jordan, Iran and Iraq was signed. It seemed, at least on some level, that Britain was giving peace a chance. Yet, the more than the Foreign Secretary, and then the PM saw of Nasser’s Egypt, the less he liked. It was impossible to deal with an Egypt that did not seem to know its place, but with every meeting came a painful reminder that all was not as it had once been. The Egyptian puppets were gone, and it was uncomfortably clear that these new Egyptian men pulled their own strings.

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A French investment opportunity, an ancient idea, and a British masterstroke - discover in this episode how the Suez Canal became so monumentally important for British imperial interests in the latter 19th century, and how this interest was then carried over into the 20th century. After years of defending and expanding their stock in Suez, it was highly unlikely that Britain was going to give up its position there without a fight. Yet, at the same time, decolonisation trends across the world were in full swing, and it was far from certain that Egypt could be held while certain movements were underway.

The most important of all these movements in decolonisation era Africa was found on 23rd July 1952, when a coup against King Farouk of Egypt, that docile and loyal British puppet, succeeded. A cadre of Egyptian military men now held control over the country, and they were determined to be anything but puppets to the British interest. One figure surged forward above all. His name was Gamal Abdel Nasser, and in this episode, we will be introduced to him, as we see what the British establishment was up against. Mindful of Britain’s interests in his country, and its unsavoury record there, Nasser was not about to give ground for nothing. Thousands of miles away, a government change waved goodbye to Winston Churchill, and ushered in his subordinate Anthony Eden. The stage was set for a conflict which was unlike any other yet seen in the British experience. 

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In this episode, we will examine the painful post-war experience of France, why it was so reluctant to let go of its colonies and how this caused it more damage in the long run. As an integral, but largely forgotten player in the Crisis, understanding the French angle is essential for us. On many occasions, the fractured French government would be the only thing holding the also fractured plans for Suez together. Here, we discover what was moving the French in North Africa, and how its bitter Algerian pill, which it would put off swallowing for some time, so influenced its government’s decision to weigh in against Egypt.

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1956 Episode 1.15 examines the final moments of Imre Nagy, as the Soviet noose tightened around him.

But the Kremlin was not safe yet. Of particular concern to Moscow and to the Hungarians was the stance of Yugoslavia, as its embassy in Budapest provided asylum to Imre Nagy and 40 other individuals responsible for guiding and leading the momentarily independent Hungarian state. The revolution may have been crushed within a few days, but it was evidently not going to be so simple to remove the memory of Nagy. Although normal Hungarian citizens couldn’t know of his fate, even when he was tricked into leaving this safe haven in late November, behind the scenes the Soviet-Yugoslav diplomacy was only serving to heighten tensions in the communist world.

In addition, the Chinese, soon to visit the Eastern satellites in January 1957, had their own comments to make on the events in Hungary. The Chinese conclusion, and the conclusion which has largely survived as canon to this day, was that Vladislav Gomulka had only gone so far, whereas Imre Nagy had gone far too far in bringing reform to his country. It was not acceptable, in the Chinese mind, that reform came at the expense of Soviet power and stability – a national road to socialism was to be admired, but this road could be bumpy, and on occasion, fraught with danger.

Also worth considering was the American perspective – Eisenhower’s administration was thoroughly distracted by events in Egypt, and while he and his Secretary of State John Foster Dulles never really intended to intervene with force in Hungary, the unofficial state organs like Radio Free Europe ensured that the American or at least the Western approach and intentions remained unclear to Hungarians, who felt encouraged to challenge the Soviet domination, and were then bitterly disappointed when no Western aid materialised. Suez was of course a convenient excuse for American non-intervention, yet for Eisenhower’s new ‘rollback’ policy towards the Soviet Union, it was important to blame the Anglo-French-Israeli attack upon Egypt to the end...

At the pinnacle of our narrative was the fate of Nagy and his circle. Two years after the revolution had been put down, Nagy was executed. Even in his final moments he refused to admit error and to denounce what had been done. He went to the gallows courageously, confident that no matter what occurred after his death, one day, he would be reburied, and Hungary would be free. His legacy was to inspire Hungarian politicians and a tacit policy of non-violent resistance to Soviet rule throughout the next few decades. His words would prove correct – Imre Nagy’s reburial in June 1989 signalled the end of Soviet domination, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War all at once. Nagy’s death and rehabilitation put to bed the fallout of Khrushchev’s secret speech, and it also concludes our first part of 1956. Next time, we’ll begin our examination of that other significant narrative which 1956 provided, as we count down to the Suez Crisis.

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1956 Episode 1.14 analyses the Soviet response in the first week of November 1956, as the rug was finally pulled on Hungarian independence.

Having already removed his country from the Warsaw Pact and requested Western assistance, Nagy was persona non grata in Soviet minds, yet this Hungarian communist was not finished yet. If there was any chance at all that this Hungarian state could be preserved, he was willing to engage in whatever to took to protect his people from the Soviet axe. Yet, unfortunately for Nagy and for Hungary generally, there was no chance.

Khrushchev had no intentions of letting Budapest think for itself, and the crushing of the Hungarian revolution and the entry of Janus Kadar into Hungary represented the end note of the Hungarian effort. Kadar, it would transpire, was not the supplicant figure he seemed, but he was ambitious, utterly ruthless and not all constrained by any concept of loyalty to Imre Nagy, a man whom he had known and befriended after several years of close cooperation. This episode contains several primary source extracts which detail the real experiences of Hungarian politicians and citizens as they fled the country, encouraged it, or sold it out to Moscow. It provides us with a great and invaluable window into the Soviet mindset at the time, so I hope you enjoy it, and join us for the concluding episode on this Soviet chapter next time. 

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1956 Episode 1.13 examines the unlikely triumph of the Hungarians in Budapest, even as the Soviets schemed for revenge.

After somehow wresting a ceasefire agreement from the Soviet Union, the Hungarian revolution appeared – against all odds – to be secured by 28th October. Yet, this was merely a pause for Moscow, it was not the end. As Hungarians began to dream of life outside the Soviet sphere, Soviet tanks were preparing to move, and figures within Imre Nagy’s tightening circle were preparing to stab him in the back.

What followed would be bitter, bloody and terribly depressing for those that dreamed big in Hungary, yet for us, it serves to underline the chaotic Soviet experience of the eventful, revolutionary year of 1956. Without giving too much away, this longest episode of 1956 yet brings many issues to their logical conclusion, but we’re far from finished with the story of Budapest, of Hungary or of Imre Nagy just yet, so make sure you stick with us to the somewhat sticky end! Show Less

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1956 Episode 1.12 examines a key moment when a Hungarian student protest exploded into something far more encouraging, and for the Soviets, far more dangerous.

The demands of the protesters – joined by workers, peasants, Hungarian communists, soldiers and many more figures besides – were as disconcerting as the threat the protest posed to Soviet control. Still more incredible than the growth of the protest was the transformation of this protest into a riot, and the further transformation of this riot into a revolution.

From these process a rallying cry of hope seemed to spring, as independence and some freedom of action could at last be imagined. Hungarians who had never before dreamed of such things now engaged with all their enthusiasm this most dangerous task – that of standing up to the superpower of the era and their superior in almost every respect. Time would tell if this act would be tragic, or met with miraculous fortune. With far too many individual details to explain here, WDF is so excited to bring its patrons the latest piece of this fascinating story, so make sure you check it out and let me know what you all thought, perhaps by leaving a review in the section of the iTunes store where this series is hosted!

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1956 Episode 1.11 looks at what happened when Moscow decided it’d be a good idea to force Rakosi, the avowed Stalinist, to share power with Imre Nagy, his opposite in almost every respect.

Rakosi wished to maintain the status quo even as his favourite weapons like the secret police were taken away, yet Nagy recognised and appreciated from an early stage that much would have to change. Hungary couldn’t continue on in the manner of a repressed, unhappy vassal, especially if Moscow wished to guarantee the support of all Hungarian people. Nagy proposed limited reforms, but after 1953 it began to become apparent that with Stalin gone and Pandora’s Box opened, it was immensely difficult to keep that box closed.

Every concession granted to the Hungarians provoked calls for greater concessions – every bit of freedom given permitted Hungarians to become braver and more willing to question the apparatus which held them low. Every time Nagy said yes, the Hungarian people seemed to say more, and Rakosi tattled on him to the Soviet leadership. Since this Soviet leadership was undergoing great changes of its own at this stage – as Khrushchev attempted to manoeuvre his way past his rivals – the signals from Moscow were not always clear. Yet after a year it became largely certain that Nagy was on borrowed time.

As we’ll discover in this episode though, while Nagy hadn't done enough to ensure he remained in power, he had done enough to ensure that the Hungarian people did not forget him once he was removed. In a sea of sycophants, the courageous but otherwise bland Nagy stood out, and soon it was his name and his principles, regardless of his political persuasions, that positioned Nagy atop another pole – that of the public affections. As we’ll come to appreciate, this position was to be both a blessing and a fatal curse for Imre Nagy...

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1956 Episode 1.10 continues where we left off last time, and looks a bit more at the person of Matyas Rakosi.

Rakosi was the Stalinist dictator of Hungary from the late 1940s, and he set about establishing a Hungarian Stalinist regime, complete with all the trappings Stalin enjoyed. For every purge, every policy and ever character assassination that the man of steel engaged in, Rakosi felt compelled to demonstrate his loyalty by going still further. He would terrorise the people of Hungary into a burning, resentful, petrified silence, but his hold on power was only as strong as the secret police.

Imre Nagy, a passionate communist and eager reformer of all things Stalinism, was guaranteed to butt heads with a man like Rakosi, and in this episode we examine why this was the case. What were Nagy’s guiding principles, why was he such a committed communist, and what did he bring to the table that a man like Rakosi did not? Nagy was as complex as Rakosi was cruel, but this doesn’t mean we can’t give our best shot at analysing this fascinating individual who became, almost in spite of himself, a hero and then a martyr of the Hungarian people.

This episode is a pivotal instalment as we examine the background to what was to come in Hungary, and how a quiescent vassal became the centre of anti-Soviet sentiment within only a few stormy months. All of this began, of course, in the eventful year of 1956.

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1956 Episode 1.9 takes a somewhat depressing journey into post-war Hungary, to present a story and a people which suffered much over the course of the Soviet occupation – also known as the Soviet ‘liberation’.

Liberation from what, one may ask? Well how about liberation from national pride, freedom of conscience and that all too valuable commodity in history – freedom from fear. Fear was the key ingredient in the Soviet-Hungarian relationship between 1945-56, and in this episode we detail its key characteristics. Why were some Hungarians so eager to serve the Soviets, who were the most loyal Hungarian servants above all, and what were the consequences of this partnership by the time Khrushchev’s secret speech shattered all notions of Stalin-worship?

These are questions we get into in great detail here, so I hope you’ll join us. The story of Hungary is as fascinating and inspiring as it is depressing and tragic, but either way, it is a story worth committing to audio podcast format, because it tells us so much about what life was really like under the Soviet writ, and how the end of the Second World War did not mean the end of foreign rule. The Hungarians had merely swapped one regime, one centre of power, for another, and this one was more determined than ever to hold sway over every aspect of their lives. The Hungarians were desperate for sure, but as 1956 would demonstrate, their spirits and dreams were far, very far, from crushed.

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We continue our story from last time, as the Polish situation is connected to other fascinating questions.

Perhaps the most significant aspect of this chapter in Soviet-Polish relations was the notable involvement of China. The Chinese, it emerged, were very interested in seeing that other peoples travelled their own ‘road to socialism’ as they had done. A Polish road to socialism would validate the unique Chinese experience of struggle over the last few decades, and it would also confirm that Moscow didn’t have the authority to dictate how a communist satellite would feel.

Under the Chinese direction and approval, Poland’s limited revolution and Gomulka’s leadership would be safe, but only because, as we’ll see, Gomulka had zero intentions of truly changing any status quos. Unfortunately, Gomulka’s tenure in office was not destined to be a completely wholesome one. His behaviour over the 1960s would confirm that he was far more loyal and far less independently minded than his initial behaviour may have initially suggested, yet in 1956, Gomulka was the right man for the Polish leadership, and so long as the Polish people agreed, Poland was to be kept within the Soviet orbit, and Gomulka was to be the star pupil of the tumultuous year of 1956, especially in comparison to his Hungarian counterpart Imre Nagy, who we’ll meet in the next few episodes. 

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1956 Episode 1.7 examines the continuing deterioration of the Polish situation, as Polish citizens dared to ask more and more questions, and to criticise the Soviet order, on their lips was one figure above all – Vladislav Gomulka (pictured).

Gomulka was one figure among many who had been disgraced and imprisoned during Stalin’s numerous purges. Gomulka, it was said, was too vocal a critic, and too independent or nationalistically inclined to rule Poland in Moscow’s name. Now though, the Polish people were calling for him, and they were demonstrating on the streets in increasing numbers to do so.

Here we detail how the Soviets dealt with this challenge in one of their most sensitive satellites, and what the major concerns of Polish citizens were in light of the revelations of the secret speech. The story involved a face-off between Gomulka and Khrushchev, as the latter made a stormy visit to Warsaw to see for himself in late October exactly what had gone down in Poland. Khrushchev left not with Gomulka’s head, but with a tacit acceptance of that man’s leadership. The question of why this occurred holds several fascinating answers, so make sure you join us here as we attempt to unpack this incredible episode in Soviet-Polish relations.

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1956 Episode 1.6 examines the tumultuous fallout of Khrushchev’s February speech in the context of Poland.

What was the Polish experience of living in the Soviet orbit? Here we set the scene and trace a bit of the background. It’s a tragic kind of story if you happen to be a Pole, or care about the sovereignty of independent states, but it also makes for fascinating listening. Here we look at a specific example of a revolutionary study, which tore the lid off of Soviet occupied Poland and which exposed its worst excesses to the world. The release of 𝘛𝘩𝘦 𝘓𝘰𝘯𝘨 𝘞𝘢𝘭𝘬, adopted in 2010 as the film 𝘛𝘩𝘦 𝘞𝘢𝘺 𝘉𝘢𝘤𝘬, proved to be an indication of things to come in 1956.

The Soviet-Polish relationship both before, during and after the Second World War was a difficult one, fraught with historical grievances, mutual distrust and grand ambitions. After all that had occurred in this portion of the world over the centuries, it was perhaps inevitable that the two peoples could never live peacefully side by side, yet the policies enacted by Stalin immediately following the victories of the Red Army in Poland from late 1944 nonetheless make for startling listening.

Stalin’s approach to Poland was to treat it as the troublesome if necessary little brother of Moscow – to be dominated by its larger neighbour, and always to be suspected and feared. Poles suffered terribly under Soviet rule from 1944-1989, and in the episode we’ll provide the background details for one of the most notable chapters in this 45 year history, as we explain how the Poles responded to news of Khrushchev’s speech.

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1956 Episode 1.5 examines the implications for the Soviet people, as Khrushchev’s speech is disseminated through the sprawling empire.

The questions which many citizens had were to be restricted and constrained by the specific parameters set down by the Soviet authorities. In short, as we’ll see in this episode, there was a fine line between debate and dissent. Pravda liked to distinguish between dissent and debate by presenting discussion of the secret speech in the spirit of party-mindedness, rather than a cynical or wholly critical perspective. As always, it was a matter for Khrushchev to determine the difference between debate and dissent, as he attempted to deal with the mess his speech had created.

We look at the example of the response given in Moscow’s Thermal Technical University, where three technicians gave their views and planned in grandly ambitious, optimistic ways, only to discover when they returned to work on Monday that their words and phrases had gone too far. Nobody could deny the central truths that they spoke, but everyone remained too afraid to actively challenge the post-Stalin order. This background of the social implications of the secret speech are important if we are to fully grasp what occurred in Poland – the first and most troubling dissenter in the Soviet camp...

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1956 Episode 1.4 examines the immediate storm caused by Khrushchev’s denunciations of Stalin in late February.

Above all, the greatest ingredient in this storm was that of confusion. Soviet officials didn’t know what to tell the assembled crowds, and schoolteachers didn’t know what to tell their pupils. How far exactly could they go in the condemnation of Stalin? This wasn’t made clear, nor was it made clear exactly what Khrushchev hoped to gain. He seemed to vacillate between wanting people to know about the speech and covering up its contents.

In Georgia, as we’ll see, the criticism of their favourite Soviet son caused demonstrations and rioting of an anti-Moscow nature, as the impression had been gained that these new Soviet bureaucrats were attempting to tarnish the name of Stalin for their own ends. Putting down these demonstrations were bloody and costly, and their eruption seemed to catch Khrushchev off guard. Indeed, the British and Americans were already learning of the secret speech by the middle of March, and began to ask their own questions about its contents – was this what Khrushchev wanted? We examine this question by looking at what other historians thought of Khrushchev’s move, and we prepare ourselves well for the most serious eruption of all in the Soviet bloc – in Poland...

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Episode 1.3 opens with the scene which greeted Khrushchev as he performed that incendiary speech over 24-25th of February 1956. It was a pivotal day in the history of the Soviet Union, and after we unwrap its major aspects, we then tackle the key questions – how had this speech come to be, and how had Khrushchev managed to convince his peers that it was necessary?

These questions require answers if we’re to understand and appreciate the world which housed the secret speech, so I hope you’ll tune in here and have a listen to an incredible period of history, when Josef Stalin – the father of peoples and the sun of the universe, was exposed as the monster that he was, by the very people who had followed his lead and helped him craft the system that dominated much of the continent.

What followed the secret speech then were other questions – how would Khrushchev et al manage to reconcile their involvement in Stalin’s crimes with this new course, and how would they manage to critique Stalin’s role in creating the Soviet system without also delegitimising it at the same time? Would the speech be seen as a welcome admission of wrongdoing, or an invitation to push for more freedom? From this speech in spring 1956 would spring even more troubles, which Khrushchev could never have imagined.

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Episode 1.2 follows on from where our first episode left off. Here, the power struggle between the Soviet Union’s top men is in full swing, and power plays, character assassination, genuine assassination and even more tactics besides distinguish this period of post-Stalin Soviet history. Nikita Khrushchev’s victorious succession and confirmation as First Secretary was far from certain once the struggle began, but as his rivals continued to underestimate him, and as he worked to build up his power base while the big fish sniped at one another, Khrushchev emerged as the best candidate to fill Stalin’s murderous shoes. Yet, it was far from clear at the same time exactly what Khrushchev had in mind.

For one, the so-called Thaw had been on-going since Stalin’s death, as prisoners were released, trumped up charges commuted, and some of the more unpopular policies relaxed. Would Khrushchev make efforts to expand upon this approach to Soviet rule, or would he contain its potential dangers as soon as he was able to do so? The different possibilities for life after Stalin remind us that what followed and what opened the year 1956 was by no means the only course, yet it was the most radical option at the time. The infamous secret speech thus occupies a great deal of our time here. Of most interest to us here though is the spectacle of Khrushchev’s elimination of his rivals, either through execution or political neutralisation. As far as Khrushchev was concerned, while a collective leadership on paper looked nice, in reality, there could be only one... 

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What happened when the architect of the Cold War passed away? Would the Soviet Union Stalin built adapt to a new successor, or would a set of chain reactions doom the empire in its cradle?

If you want to learn more about what followed after the Korean War – as a story and as a year of significance, 1956 has few equals, and we open our narrative with the event which set up all subsequent events – the death of Josef Stalin on 5th March 1953. As far as deaths of prominent characters go, the death of Stalin from a succession of strokes at the age of 73 sticks out particularly – a man who allowed his paranoia get the better of him, out of fear of his own vulnerability and out of lust for power, died without being the victim of any underhanded scheme. As we’ll see, he also died without naming an official successor, throwing into chaos those men who had stuck around long enough to accumulate some power for themselves.

In this episode we’ll meet these figures – the so-called ‘collective leadership’ of the Soviet Union, which included such heavy hitters as Molotov, Malenkov, Lavrenti Beria, Anastas Mikoyan and a sometimes crude, always blunt figure by the name of Nikita Khrushchev. The story of what would come after Stalin is a gripping and fascinating snapshot of life at the top of the Soviet greasy pole. It prepares us for the eventful months which are to come, by investigating exactly what it was that compelled these men to undo some of what Stalin had made, while still holding onto the terrifying edifice which held half of the continent of Europe in rapture. 

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Welcome to 1956, an era of schemes, revolution, propaganda, intrigue and a whole lot of diplomacy!

Originally brought exclusively to patrons, I've repurposed this series for all listeners, and within it you will learn exactly why I believe this eventful year is well worth your time. Our series begins with the death of Stalin, a megalomaniacal dictator who left no successor save the clique of people who had managed to survive his paranoid wrath for several years. Nikita Khrushchev, against all the odds, managed to surge above the rest. But before he could do this, and before he presented his vision for a post-Stalin world, we must set the scene.

This begins our new biweekly release schedule, so I hope you're excited. If you somehow need more of Dr Zack, make sure to sign up on Patreon for our PhD thesis series, and help make history thrive!

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Like what you hear? Consider signing up on Patreon to access the entire series. Thanksss!

For the last four+ years, this PhD thesis has been my obsession. Like pushing a boulder up a hill, the struggle was real. But, sometimes, struggle can produce great things, and I hope you'll agree that what I made is worthy of your time. This series comes exclusively to $5 patrons, but as is customary, listeners get the first episode for free. See if you like the sound of this nitty-gritty exploration of history we have planned, and if national honour really is as important as I claim. Maybe you're curious about the kind of kind of work expected for such a high standard of research? Perhaps you just want to know what I've been frantically working at during the last four+ years. Whatever brings you to this chunky series, we have a lot to get through. This is the first step towards unwrapping this 100k-word beast, so I hope you'll join me!

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Welcome back! Here we talk about the State of the Podcast Address' HUGE NEWS

1) Our somewhat new series1956 and how it's all going to work. Also, is it actually interesting? 2) The new PhD Thesis series for Patrons! 3) Age of Bismarck - and of course, more!

Thanksss so much for the warm welcome back history friend. I haven't stopped grinning for the last few days, and it's thanks to you!

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We're back! In case you were unaware, the lack of content over the last while was because of the PhD, which is now finished. This means, yes, I am finally Dr Zack! Imagine that! I have a lot to say about the future of this podcast, and stick around for some honesty about the PhD process and how I'm doing generally after this four year plus saga. I'm really excited to dive back into podcasting after all this.

And it goes without saying, but thanksss so much for all your support over the last few years!

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Join Ole and I for a fascinating chat about History Challenge, a new way for educators and students to make history thrive! If you want to try it out for yourself, the latest version of this project is available in the link below. Thanksss!

Access the Battle of Britain lesson here

If you can, completing this survey on your experience would be much appreciated.

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And so it ends. After 82 episodes and what feels like thirty actual years, we finally wrap up this fascinating period of history. Thanksss so much for tuning in!

Make sure to stay to the end to learn about our plans for the Thirty Years' War book, my Matchlock series, the new Delegation Game, and other PhD details.

Where do we go after this? What's next for WDF? We cover that here too!

**FOLLOW THESE LINKS!**

1) To support the podcast financially in return for some extra audio content, check out Patreon!

2) To find a community of history friends, look at our Facebook page and group!

3) To keep up to date with us, follow us on Twitter!

4) Matchlock and the Embassy, our new historical fiction novel, is out NOW! Get it here

5) Researcher? Student? Podcaster? Use Perlego to access a massive online library of books, and get a week for free!

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The final episode of our series involves no shortage of intrigue, scheming and mistrust, yet it is also the moment when diplomacy arguably succeeded. After three decades of war, Europe, and the Holy Roman Empire in particular, had come to terms with the cost of conflict. Perhaps, in the future, things would be different? Perhaps, but as a brief look at our back catalogue shows, the post-Westphalian world was by no means free from the curse of war.

Thanksss so much for following this series over the last four years - or is that thirty years? Can hardly believe we made it, but be sure to look out for the conclusion episode, where we will wrap these things up in a satisfying bundle!

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2) To find a community of history friends, look at our Facebook page and group!

3) To keep up to date with us, follow us on Twitter!

4) Matchlock and the Embassy, our new historical fiction novel, is out NOW! Get it here

5) Researcher? Student? Podcaster? Use Perlego to access a massive online library of books, and get a week for free!

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Although the Dutch and Spanish had made their peace, 1648 had room for one more campaign, and there had arguably never been so much on the line. With warfare came the chance to secure more leverage at the peace table, but the Franco-Swedish allies faced problems of its own.

How were the Swedes to settle the impossibly high wage bill of so many thousands of unpaid soldiers? How were the French going to pacify the many elements within society who were sick and tired of being squeezed for barely palpable returns? And what about Portugal or the amnesty of rebels?

Questions remained to be answered, then, but one final campaign had the potential to provide this answer, before the quills could be set to the parchment, and peace be finally made. I hope you'll join me to see how they did it, in our penultimate episode of this whopper series!

**FOLLOW THESE LINKS!**

1) To support the podcast financially in return for some extra audio content, check out Patreon!

2) To find a community of history friends, look at our Facebook page and group!

3) To keep up to date with us, follow us on Twitter!

4) Matchlock and the Embassy, our new historical fiction novel, is out NOW! Get it here

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Please consider supporting our podcast friend Benjamin Jacobs during this difficult time.

In this special episode, Thom Daly joins me to rant about the state of education in America, how Republican ideologues ban what they don't understand, how misinformation and scaremongering replaced proper political discourse, and whether he has much hope that it will actually improve.

I then discuss Brexit, explaining what it means, the different types of trade arrangements, how this affects Northern Ireland and why it has me so irate as I watch the situation deteriorate. Was Brexit worth it, or just a massive con which was kept vague from the beginning? After listening in, I'm sure you'll see where I stand.

Thanksss for listening, and please do support our friend Benjamin Jacobs if you can.

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Here, in our third-last episode of the series, we take the time to analyse Cardinal Mazarin's motives. What kind of role did religious motivations, strategic motivations, political or economic or any other kind of motivation have upon his behaviour? Was he fighting for French security, or future French expansion?

In line with this, we look at the religious question in the Empire, which had appeared like an impossible riddle in previous years. How was it possible to make everyone happy, particularly when everyone involved had such conflicting ideas of justice, and such differing opinions on compromise. Only a joint effort could possibly bring about peace in such a sensitive arena, but if they could manage it, one of the great roadblocks in the way of a final settlement would be removed.

The Dutch may have watched these events with smug satisfaction - they managed to finalise their peace with Spain in early 1648, but not before making some fascinating proposals towards their French ally. Matters stuck fast on Lorraine though, as Mazarin proved unwilling to compromise on such a sensitive border region. Lorraine's complex fate was just one element in the tangled web of manouevre and intrigue, but one could argue that the writing was on the wall when it came to peace. The question was, would this writing be read, or erased as before?

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As the war raged, Maximilian of Bavaria was forced to reconsider his position towards his Emperor. As the Habsburgs' most faithful and important German ally since the beginning, the rumours that Max was contemplating a truce had to be taken seriously. One thing was clear though - the wily Bavarian Elector had made his name by identifying the most advantageous course, and whatever decisions he made, they would be for Bavaria and Bavaria alone.

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By the end of 1646, two massive problems plagued the negotiators. For France, the matter was Alsace, a huge chunk of territory along the sensitive Rhine region, which had long served as a buffer between the French and Imperial spheres. For Sweden, Pomerania, a slice of land along northern Germany's Baltic coast, was the central issue. The process by which the powers solved these questions, the compromises they agreed, and the implications they had, are all examined here.

Although in the context of Westphalian negotiations, the decisions reached were important, it is in them that we see the birth of new empires - the French, the Swedish, and one fascinating outlier, that of Brandenburg-Prussia. Truly, the foundations for such significant political and strategic acts which later defined early modern Europe were laid here. I hope you'll join me in checking them out!

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Check out our series Diplomacy: Britain vs America to nerd out on a forgotten era of Anglo-American confrontation, complete with war scares, gunboat diplomacy, and me pronouncing many things incorrectly!

It's time to get all emotional, as we tie up the Eighty Years' War between the Spanish and Dutch, which had formed an integral part of the Thirty Years' War in its earlier phase, but which had, from 1645, effectively been relegated to a sideshow of the larger war. The Dutch, and its House of Orange, had made a substantial contribution to the war, directing anti Habsburg energies towards several schemes, and chipping away at Spanish prestige and power even as the Habsburg dynasty reached the peak of its powers. By 1646 though, Frederick Henry lay dying, and although none could accuse him of under performing, it was his grandson William III that made arguably the most significant mark not just on British, Irish and European history, but also on the world we live in today.

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The Battle of Jankau in 1645, followed by Allerheim later in the year, confirmed that the Emperor could expect few miracles from the battlefield. Bavaria seemed teetering on the edge, making secret moves towards the French, while the Spanish buckled, and the Swedes rampaged throughout the Habsburg Hereditary Lands. Ferdinand III understood that his greatest chances for self preservation lay in Westphalia, and his agent, Trauttmansdorf, was sent with very specific instructions. Here, we cover this figure's arrival, the Emperor's hopes, and the hints of what was to come in the future for the increasingly fractured Habsburg dynasty.

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The wide range of interests and powers that gathered at the two Westphalian cities each tell a fascinating story. Whether it was the two French agents that loathed one another; the Dutch tradition of representing each of the seven provinces; Swedish desires to legalise its control over Pomerania; Johan Oxenstierna's frequently drunken state, when he wasn't insisting on trumpets blasting to announce his presence; the Franco-Swedish request on having all Imperial estates represented at Westphalia, regardless of their size; French plans to court Bavaria; the Emperor's plan to prevent the smaller states from attending, and the confusion over exactly what religious settlement would be pushed for - all of these issues made the negotiations dynamic, unpredictable, and occasionally hilarious. Join me as we cover their early phase, while the war carried on in the background.

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After so long dancing around the issue, here we finally look at the moment when the Westphalian towns of Osnabruck and Munster hosted delegates from all across Europe and the Empire. Why were the French so eager to arrive with an enormous entourage? How did the delegates get their mail? How did warmer creatures cope with the cold, rainy mud of Germany? We get into it here, as well as contextualising these key early steps of the most famous peace congress of the early modern era.

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In this episode we examine how the French coped with the sudden absence of Sweden, which had turned its attention to the Danes. France had to contend with several fronts, particularly along the Rhine, in the Netherlands, and in Catalonia, but Swedish diplomacy had worked to ensure that Cardinal Mazarin would not have to fight alone, as a familiar face re-entered the chat. Assessing his deteriorating odds, we find King Philip IV of Spain increasingly despondent, as his ability to project his power into Germany declines, with disastrous consequences for the Habsburg dynasty...

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By late 1643, one could be forgiven for expecting Lennart Torstensson, the Swedish commander in Germany, to take stock of his situation and plan for a new campaign in the new year. But such plans were placed on hold, because a letter from the Swedish Chancellor directed him towards a new goal, and a brand new campaign. Torstensson was to abandon Germany, and march double time to launch a pre-emptive strike against the old Danish foe. Why? What? How? Listen in to learn about this fascinating episode of the Thirty Years War, and an event which transformed Baltic and Scandinavian history for centuries to come...

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It's about time I dropped my research on you guys, so in this episode we'll be plumbing the depths of something I've mentioned many times, but rarely taken the time to define or explain properly - national honour. What was it, where did it come from, what role did it play in mid-Victorian diplomacy, and how did contemporaries use it in their construction and presentation of foreign policy? All these questions and more will be addressed, so if you're ready for a chunky episode on a concept barely understood in the histories, you've come to the right place!

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Oh boy, it's finally time! Now you get to see what I've been working on over the Christmas break, an extremely chunky and detailed twelve part series examining Anglo-American relations from 1838-1846. Expect fractious diplomacy, war scares, major tensions, close calls and settlements which dramatically affected how each side saw the other, with consequences that are felt to this day.

In this introductory episode, I set the scene and justify my interest in this period, as well as explaining why YOU should care. We look at the British destruction of the Caroline, and question how this incident helped fan the flames of American hostility towards London, while Palmerston...shrugged his shoulders. The British Foreign Secretary, you see, had his hands full with keeping the Ottoman Empire propped up, while he also kept his eye on France. 

We're just beginning our journey in this fascinating period, and I can't wait to bring you along for the ride! A huge thanksss to all of my lovely patrons for supporting this show for so long. It's now official, I'm in the final stretch, and after this final set of fees, Dr Zack will be coming soon to earbuds near you!

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The Battle of Rocroi was a signal French triumph, but it did not transform the face of the war, either in the Netherlands or in Europe. A Bavarian victory later in the year at Tutlingen made 1643 a year of ups and owns, but of far greater consequence than who won, was who left the scene after so many years. Within a season, Cardinal Richelieu, King Louis XIII and the Count Duke Olivares all departed, leaving behind a war which was to change the face of early modern Europe. Fortunately, in Richelieu's case at least, the baton had been passed into some very capable hands...

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1641 was the year when Lennart Torstensson was finally appointed commander of Sweden's mostly German army. Having hunkered down for many years in the north of the country, Torstensson understood that Sweden had to strike hard against the Imperials if anything was to change. Possessed of a fierce determination and great strategic mind, the new commander pressed his advantage and seized a new triumph in the graveyard of Gustavus Adolphus' most famous victory. Torstensson knew a great deal about the Battle of Brietenfeld - he had commanded the artillery on that fateful day, and he intended to make this second Breitenfeld even greater than the first.

Off the battlefield, peace feelers were finally beginning to go somewhere, albeit at a painfully slow pace. The basics of a two-city conference were established, but other than the selection of Osnabruck and Munster, little else of consequence could be decided on so long as there were victories to be gained from war. Still, these talks about peace talks produced significant fruit in their own right. The all out war was drawing to an end, and the interconnected fronts would soon be drawn into a peace. Before the peace was made, though, it would first have to be won.

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By 1640, two rebellions shook Madrid to its core, and had a dramatic knock on effect on Spain's ability to support its Habsburg cousins in Vienna. In summer, Catalonia erupted in revolt after years of provocations and intransigence. When Portuguese soldiers were sent to quell the rising, those soldiers took home news of Spanish weakness, and by December, Portugal had broken away, and declared itself independent under King John IV.

It was plain that Spain couldn't suppress the original Dutch revolt with this disaster on its doorstep, and its war against France was also in doubt, as Richelieu took the opportunity to take Catalonia under French protection. The writing was on the wall, the wheels were coming off, but even with this maiming, Spain was not done yet.

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In this episode I'm joined for a great conversation about Frederick the Great's 1740 invasion of Silesia, by a guy who knows a whole lot about it - Alec Avdakov from the Life and Times of Frederick the Great Podcast! Listen in and make sure you find Alec's show by clicking below. Thanksss Alec!

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By 1640, both the Habsburgs and their foes had reached something of a crisis. There were opportunities to be had, if a new campaign could be pursued, but where to find the money, and how to support the soldiers in lands no longer suitable for massive armies? As they sized each other up, diplomacy continued in the background. Could the Swedes and French finally achieve that seizmic victory they desperately needed?

Could anything plug the gaping hole in Habsburg financial and military resources long enough to reclaim the Empire for the Emperor? If Vienna could not rely on Madrid, and Stockholm could not depend on Paris, there was no guarantee that a new campaign would be in the offing at all. But this is only 1640, so you know we've eight more years to go. They were destined to be arguably the longest years of all.

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War is hell, as the saying goes, but just how bad was the war by the late 1630s, after two decades of fighting?

As we learn here, the worst aspects of the conflict didn't come from the deaths in battle, but what went along with the battle - armies that marched over aching, increasingly desolate lands; the ruination of the delicate agricultural system; the acute crisis of starvation that followed, and the spread of disease that followed it.

The picture was depressing, but it tells a story of a continent that grew more desperate for peace by the month. Could the Holy Roman Emperor make it happen? Let's find out...

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King Philip IV of Spain and King Charles of Britain had a surprising amount in common by the late 1630s. Both were presiding over a deteriorating situation domestically and abroad, and during the Battle of the Downs in October 1639, both came off worse than before. 

For Charles, the problem was one of authority, which had suffered terribly following years of wrong headed religious and political policies. With Scotland in revolt, and only pacified with painful concessions by spring 1639, Charles needed a win, and nothing said defeat like the prospect of watching a Spanish-Dutch naval battle off the coast of Dover. Having presented himself as the Sovereign of the Seas, this was a sharp strike against Charles' honour, and things were soon to get worse.

Many miles away in Madrid, King Philip IV's greatest problem was the intractable Dutch, followed by the equally intractable Catalans. Even after Count Olivares had asked them really nicely, the Catalans had not agreed to aid and supply the defending Spanish garrisons, and matters came to a head thanks in no small measure to Olivares' heavy-handed responses. Olivares may have been trying to make a point about the King's authority - a move Charles would surely have sympathised with - but his approach caused the very disaster he had longed to avoid. 

By autumn 1640, both Spain and Britain were wracked by conflict and division, as the Thirty Years' War's actor looked on, and asked whether it was really fair on historians to open yet more fronts to this multi-layered conflict. Fair or not, here we delve into these issues, so I hope you'll join me!

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After ten years of podding, we've seen a wide range of fascinating guests brave enough to nerd out with yours truly, but who is my favourite? Find out here, in this long-delayed episode, to see if your fave made the cut, and don't forget to track them down in our large back catalogue!

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The war which began in the Habsburg humiliation at Prague had arguably crystallized by the late 1630s, and thus begins perhaps my favourite period of the conflict! We now have battles raging in Northern Germany, where Johan Baner's Swedish-German force faced down Matthias Gallas' Imperials. Further towards the Rhine, Octavio Piccolomini watched the border near the Spanish-Dutch war, where Spain poured its resources into a never ending grinder of men and money. With Portugal and Catalonia showing worrying signs of disloyalty, what did the future hold for Spain as the anchor of the Habsburg alliance? 

Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand III was just 29 when he assumed the throne. His 'gift' from his foes was to learn of the new Franco-Swedish alliance, signed in Hamburg in March 1638. Meanwhile, along the upper Rhine, the capture of Breisach gave the French a crossing on the German side of the river, and threatened the integrity of Bavaria. The flag of appeal was waved at Madrid, but the Spanish had little sympathy to spare for their Austrian cousins, being demoralised and defeated by the Dutch and French foes, the latter most devastatingly at sea, in 1639. 

All the little wars had certainly converged into one, and it's my pleasure to take you on a journey through its most incredible and fascinating sights! Thankssss for the support and thankss for listening in!

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EPISODE: With the passing of Emperor Ferdinand II in February 1637, the moment seems right for a lay of the land by this eventful new year. The challenges for both sides were formidable, yet limited flurries of peace initiatives could only go in one direction, so long as each believed they could gain more on the battlefield.

The French were stabilising after a nail bitingly close call. The Dutch were exorcising their demons, with a campaign aimed at clawing back the town of Breda, lost so painfully in 1625. The Swedes had restored their reputation, but little else. In Vienna, there may have been confidence in eventual victory, but that victory was clearly going to come at great cost. Still, with a new Emperor on the case, there was reason to be positive. After all, it's already gone of for nineteen years, how much longer could it possib....

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Having looked at Sweden's failed plans for Poland, and then at Richelieu's ultimate survival, we return here to the Swedish theatre - this time, the pressure is all on the Swedish Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna, who somehow had to turn everything around, and keep Sweden's war in Germany going.

As 1635 turned to 1636, Oxenstierna's desperation moved him to approach Cardinal Richelieu, cap in hand, for a renewal of the Franco-Spanish alliance of 1631. Lacking leverage, Ax Ox was still willing to swallow his pride and do what was necessary, but he knew that what Sweden needed most of all was a victory - a triumph on the battlefield could change everything, and show her foes and friends alike that Sweden was not yet lost.

Enter, Johan Baner.

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After so many years of cold war, finally, by 1635, France and Spain were destined to face each other in the battle - and what a battle it was! As defensive and offensive plans collided, and each side verged from crisis to stability and back to crisis again, the world shivered with nervous excitement. This was a test for the ages, a great power confrontation like no other, which would dramatically affect the future of the continent. Would it Richelieu's France, or Olivares' Spain? There could be only one.

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Sweden's strategic situation was pretty desperate by early 1635, but to appreciate just how desperate it was, we have to look away from the Holy Roman Empire, and towards the East, where in Poland, the truce was about to expire with Sweden's dynastic enemy. Worse, for Swedish Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna, the grand plan of distracting Poland by orchestrating a Russian war had failed as well, leaving the Poles vengeful, the Russians weakened, and everything apparently in the air.

Before the French could arrive on the scene, Sweden would have to fend for itself, and salvage what remained of Gustavus Adolphus' legacy. How could they fare? Axe Ox wasn't feeling particularly optimistic...

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What's your favourite podcast series under WDF's umbrella? We've covered an awful lot, and a wide range of history, from the obscure, to the famous and infamous, to the shockingly misunderstood. We've come a long way in these ten years, and picking ten of my faves was a difficult task, but after a brutal process of elimination, here it is - complete with music to get you all nostalgic.

Do you agree with my choice? Were you surprised by my number one? Thanksss again for a brilliant decade of history podcasting!

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After ten years of history podcasting, I've come across many remarkable and fascinating historical figures, but can I pick a favourite? The task is a difficult one, so to make it easier for myself, I picked ten. Find out here which figures make the cut, as I rank them from number ten all the way down to number one.

Did my choices surprise you? Do you feel a particular character was unfairly maligned or skimmed over? The debate can continue in the WDF Facebook group, so I hope to see you there...soon!

Thankssss again for a brilliant decade of podding - you guys are the best!

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On 18 May 2012, When Diplomacy Fails Podcast broke into the history podcast scene, and the rest is history! For more than a decade, this show has granted me opportunities and experiences I never dreamed possible. It made me who I am today, from my past jobs, to my education, literally down to where I am professionally and personally right now. 

This is the story of how something as simple as a history podcast can radically change a young guy's life, and although this episode is basically me talking about myself for over an hour, I hope it'll prove to you how ANYONE can do something like this. All you need is passion, and a lot of patience. I cannot thank you enough for helping me get this far, and I can't wait to see where we take WDF in the next decade! Thanksss for an incredible ten years!

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As spring 1635 approached, France had a choice to make. She could remain neutral, and allow the Imperial-Spanish triumph to overwhelm the Swedish and Dutch. Or, she could join their struggle, and end once and for the Bourbon-Habsburg cold war that had lasted a generation.

It's decision time for Cardinal Richelieu...

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Get your tickets to Intelligent Speech Conference now! It's on Saturday 25 June, so don't delay!

Matchlock and the Rebel is out NOW! Grab your copy of this Thirty Years' War historical fiction series here.

Wallenstein exhausts Emperor Ferdinand's patience, the Battle of Nordlingen ushers in a new era of Habsburg supremacy, and an Austro-Spanish alliance is forged just in time to meet France on the battlefield. 1633 may have been quiet, but 1634 would prove the most consequential year of the war yet.

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We're ten years old! Wish WDF a happy birthday by buying the NEW and IMPROVED edition of Matchlock and the Embassy!

The death of Gustavus Adolphus at Lutzen cast a long shadow over the year 1633. Could the Swedes rebound, and consolidate their gains, or would the Emperor avenge himself on his ungrateful subjects, after a worrying season of setbacks? As it turned out, nothing came easy to either side in the new year. But as Gustavus' ghost was joined by another, even more consistent actor in the conflict, one thing was clear - the Thirty Years' War had turned a corner, and Europe would never be the same again...

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After going on a tear for 18 months, Gustavus Adolphus had finally caught Wallenstein, in a town just outside of Leipzig. Considering the enormous amount of men under recruitment, their army sizes were somewhat small, but that didn't make the battle any less ferocious. Indeed, Lutzen can be viewed as a turning point, not merely in the conflict here, but also in early modern warfare. The Swedish cause would never be the same again, but the Thirty Years War was only just entering its second half...

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Real quick - turns out Indira Ghandi is NOT related to Ghandi at all, and is in fact the daughter of Nehru. What are the odds of that? Thanks to Andrew Mence for the correction!

For this bonus interview episode, I'm very excited to be joined by Dr Jennifer Sciubba! Here she talks about her new book, 8 Billion and Counting: How Sex, Death and Migration Shape our World - which you can get here!

We have a fascinating conversation about population; the impact which a declining population can have on a country's foreign policy (hello Russia!), and the pros and cons of a youth-heavy vs an elderly-heavy population. Is the world's population destined to grow forever? Is there reason to be positive about the future? For all this and more, do yourself a favour and geek out with us on population - the underlying factor which is WAY too important to ignore.

Want to know more about my wonderful guest? Dr Sciubba is an internationally recognized expert in the field of demographic security. She frequently advises the US Government and others on demographics, and is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and of the board of the Population Reference Bureau. She is affiliated with the Center for Strategic and International Studies, the Environmental Change and Security Program at the Woodrow Wilson Center, and the Rising Powers Initiative at Boston University. Currently, Sciubba is an Associate Professor in the Department of International Studies at Rhodes College, one of the country's leading liberal arts colleges.

Subscribe to Dr Sciubba's substack for bitesize demographic info!

Visit Dr Sciubba's website for more.

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With Breitenfeld changing the balance of power in the Empire, Gustavus had much to do as 1631 became 1632. First was the matter of Count Tilly's battered survivors from the battle, who had since been reinforced, and guarded the entrance to Bavaria. But over the horizon was an even greater threat to the Swedish King - Albrecht of Wallenstein, the Holy Roman Emperor's last hope. The two titans faced off throughout the summer of 1632, with dramatic (and disgusting) results. Get a load of all that waste!

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The Battle of Breitenfeld was a turning point in the Thirty Years War, but equally important was what Gustavus Adolphus chose to do after. In his race to conquer, Gustavus tore down the Rhine, seizing a wide range of cities, from Wurzburg, to Mainz, to Frankfurt. In the process, he upset the contract between the Emperor and his subjects like never before, demanding an answer which would come from Wallenstein in 1632.

More depressingly for the average German, Gustavus swollen army of 80,000 was just as big a problem as Wallenstein's had once been. The coinage Gustavus demanded sent cities spiraling into debt, but at least on the broadsheets, the Swedish King was finally acquiring recognition as the saviour of the anti-Habsburg cause.

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From the moment Gustavus Adolphus landed in Northern Germany, it was clear that his triumph was impossible so long as the Protestant Electors of Brandenburg and Saxony refused to join his side. Throughout spring and summer of 1631 though, Gustavus' luck finally began to turn, thanks in part to his liberal use of intimidation, and the horrendous miscalculations of the Emperor. Pointing his cannons at Berlin soon compelled a defenceless Elector of Brandenburg to make an alliance. Saxony, on the other hand, was a different matter. Dresden chose Sweden not because of what Gustavus did, but because of what Count Tilly, the Emperor's commander, was forced to do. 

Desperate for supplies after Magdeburg had been destroyed, Tilly sought aid from his Emperor. When this was denied, and when his troops appeared dangerously close to dissolving, Tilly came to terms with the new reality. The unspoiled lands of Saxony must be harnessed to reinvigorate his army - whether the Elector of Saxony liked it or not. The blunder forced the Saxon and Brandenburg Electors into Sweden's camp, and with the rest of Protestant Germany bound to follow their banners, the stage looked set for the great test of the Swedish King. As the new reluctant allies looked anxiously at the approach of autumn 1631, not even they could have imagined what would happen next...

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We are joined today by Ole from Immortal Games to talk about Story Games History.

Story Games History is a ground-breaking concept for making history more accessible, both to casual fans, and for learning purposes. Ole talks about his plan for approaching schools and colleges, adding more academic clout to this exciting project. Perhaps most interestingly, Ole explains how Story Games History will bring 16 key historical world events and persons to life through this innovative new educational medium, where players will be  in the centre of dramatic events. 

The game kicks off with a scenario now frightfully familiar to us - the world poised on the edge of war, nuclear war. The date is 1962, and the Cuban Missile Crisis is underway. As Ole explains, the plan is to put you, the player, into the shoes of JFK, and see if your choices make or break the world. In terms of gameplay, Ole plans to use a 'choose your own adventure' style, with a story and dialogue written by dedicated researcher. He'll also draw on tools such as quizzes and puzzle games with visual connection to the event, and each of the planned 16 scenarios will follow this formula. We talk together about how we intend to collaborate, and how Matchlock could even get its own mobile game, with an exclusive story written by me!

Above all, Ole shares a clear vision for how to bring Story Games History from concept to life. If anyone can do it, it's him! Ole is armed with experience in projects like these - including iDance, which brought him to the European Parliament, where he shared his vision for technology and learning can be blended together, to create something incredible. 

We hope you enjoy this fun conversation, and if you want to offer your expertise or advice, email me at wdfpodcast AT hotmail DOT com, with the subject Story Games History, and I'll be sure to pass it on! Thanksss!

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Magdeburg, the city where the Thirty Years' War changed. As the Swedes gathered in North Germany, and the Imperials moved to counter them, their paths led to Magdeburg, a city on the River Elbe with a history of defiance. The city fathers of Magdeburg may have believed that their city would serve as the turning point of the war, but what they could never have imagined was the price which would have to be paid, by Magdeburg's citizens...

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Well, he did it. He actually did it. After month of posturing, years of undeclared war, and even longer lying to our faces, Putin authorised Russia's invasion of Ukraine. How did it come to this? Is Putin the only variable that matters? Does diplomacy still have a chance? Where do I see all of this going? You may not think you need yet another person talking about this war, but just in case you do, join me here, as I explain why this war happened, and why it's personal to me. It's my first time wading into modern affairs with such venom, so I hope you enjoy it!

Sviatoslav Yurash is on Twitter 

Sviatoslav on Sky News - start video at 1:35. 

Monocle 24: The Foreign Desk Podcast on Apple

Thomas de Waal's thread on Russia's post-war plan.

Learn more about Putin's Ukraine speech on Feb 22. 

More context on Putin's position. 

Putin decides on war. 

Putin calls Ukraine's government Nazis and drug dealers. 

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Get your copy of the second edition of A Matter of Honour: Britain in the First World War!

In early 1631, Gustavus Adolphus was in desperate need of allies and subsidies. Fortunately for him, Cardinal Richelieu of France was only too happy to help, but such friendship would come at a cost. France wasn't interested in throwing away good money. Instead, they wanted to effectively sponsor the Swedish invasion. 

They would fund Sweden's efforts, in return for Gustavus' promise to maintain a large army in the Empire. Just as they had done with the Dutch and in North Italy, here the French worked to open a new front in their cold war with the Habsburgs, a rivalry which couldn't possibly stay cold for much longer...

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Get your copy of the second edition of A Matter of Honour: Britain in the First World War!

Check out the Twitter thread on Audiblegate, where I went viral, being seen by nearly 1 million people!

In spring and summer 1630, Sweden's King could put it off no longer. The months of outrages, the insults, and the straight up interefernce in his business by the Emperor's proxies had gnawed away at his patience. War would have to follow, but how to present this war to the wider world? How to track the list of grievances which Sweden felt? How to persuade Germans and Frenchmen alike as to the righteousness of his cause? This was to be a campaign in itself, but Gustavus was up to the task. The war for Europe's hearts and minds was looming. The war for supremacy in Europe would come after.

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It's hard to imagine it now, but 400 years ago, Russia was THE underdog in Europe. 

Racked by the aftershocks of the Time of Troubles (1603 - 1618) Russia's Tsar had a long way to go before the name Romanov would spread far and wide. And he had a score to settle. 

The King of Poland, Sigismund III, had invaded and occupied Russia all the way to Moscow barely a decade before. Sigismund claimed that his own son was the true Tsar of Russia, not Michael Romanov, or whatever he called himself. But how to get even with an all powerful Polish King, who had friends in very high places - the Habsburgs?

The Tsar's solution was simple - with an old enemy, the Swedes, he would forge an alliance of critical importance. Nor had the Tsar thought small - the Ottoman Empire and Transylvania were also included, creating a coalition, which would be levelled squarely against the Poles, and their Habsburg allies

This treaty was especially important for King Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden. With Russia threatening to attack Poland's eastern flank, there would be no danger of Sigismund making war on Sweden. Such an insurance policy was necessary for two main reasons. First, Sigismund was his Catholic cousin, and would stop at nothing to reclaim the Swedish crown. Second, Gustavus Adolphus' eyes had shifted from the Polish threat, and had landed on the Habsburgs themselves. 

As Cardinal Richelieu's agents had often whispered, it was surely time for Sweden to make its mark on the Holy Roman Empire, by attacking Emperor Ferdinand II, and destroying the Habsburg supremacy in a stroke. Gustavus didn't have to be forced. Sigismund's war had been directly funded and supported by the Emperor. Ferdinand had fired the first shot, now he would pay the price.

Just as the Russian envoy arrived in Stockholm to get Gustavus Adolphus' signature though, he received the news that the King was absent. Such a signature was not necessary - the King of Sweden trusted the word of the Tsar. The King of Sweden, the envoy was told, had gone to Germany, and the next phase of the Thirty Years' War had begun.

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With Denmark exiting the war in Germany, everything seemed to be looking up Ferdinand in spring 1629, but there was a problem. While on the military front, the Emperor still held the edge, on the diplomatic front, forces were conspiring to turn the war on its head. Cardinal Richelieu recognised that if Sweden and Poland could be brought to the peace table, Gustavus Adolphus would be free at long last to intervene in Germany. 

Both the Swedes and the French went deeper than this, though. Each recognised that Russia, far to Poland's east, could play a pivotal role in occupying the attentions of the Commonwealth just long enough for Sweden to make history. But could it be done? Could these tangled diplomatic branches actually bear fruit? In fact, they proved central to ushering in the next phase of the Thirty Years' War...

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In Episode 5 of the Trent Affair - our final episode, for now! - we ask the big questions, and finish our narrative which stretched across both sides of the Atlantic. At the last moment, it seemed, calmer heads had prevailed, and an Anglo-American War was not required as the price for stained British honour. 

But the two sides had come VERY close to such a nightmare, closer, in fact, than they had since 1812. Could something be learned from this exchange? Or, as the gloomier pundits warned, was the Trent Affair merely the first in a long string of incidents between the British and US? Though the Trent hadn't provided the spark, they said, a third Anglo-American War was only a matter of time...

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Listen here to our penultimate episode on the Trent Affair, and the moment when peace or war hung in the balance!

After a tense wait, Britain's ultimatum finally arrived in Washington. How would Lincoln and Seward respond to its terms? The Confederate commissioners would have to be returned, and a suitable apology offered, if the British were to be satisfied, but there was room for some manoeuvre. This breathing space was thanks to the fact that nobody was particularly enthusiastic about the prospects of an Anglo-American war, even though many had become resigned to the fact that it was inevitable.

Back in Britain, Palmerston's government was preparing for the worst, while hoping for the best. National honour demanded nothing less than complete satisfaction, however painful for the Americans to grant. They would be courteous, polite and respectful, but the message was a sobering one. War was inevitable if America did not concede. Could diplomacy succeed, and persuade Lincoln to relent at the last moment? Let's find out, in our penultimate episode of the Trent Affair!

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Welcome to our third episode of the Trent Affair, here we confront an important question!

Would the Americans choose peace, or would they choose war? The ultimatum had been sent on 2 December. The restrictions of communication meant that the British would be waiting a while for the answer - as much as a fortnight. But, in the meantime, what did the British government do? Incredibly, the British prepared for the unthinkable: the third Anglo-American war in under a century.

Indeed, the British devised a fascinating war plan. It involved a naval landing in the State of Maine, which would surely see sense and leave the American orbit once the redcoats landed. The defences of Canada would be strengthened, the Confederacy would be recognised and supported, and a wholescale blockade of the Union's ports would be implemented. This would turn the tables on the Yankees, and burn their candle at both ends.

While the British people and government awaited America's answer, these plans were developed, and even partially put into action. Reinforcements were sent to Canada; naval squadrons in North America received new vessels, and imports of war materiel to the US ceased. The British were deadly serious, and thanks to the demands of national honour, nothing less than satisfaction would do.

The Americans could submit, or they could have war. There could be no third way.

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Welcome to the second episode of this special miniseries! Happy christmas and thanksss for tuning in!

When news of the Trent Affair reached Britain, the British cried foul. The Government made immediate preparations to wrest a satisfactory reply from the Americans. Only the return of the commissioners and an American apology would satisfy Palmerston government. The British people demanded justice for broken laws and their dishonoured flag, but what did such ideas mean?

Why was something as difficult to define as national honour able to have such an impact on British hearts and minds? Why were the principles of international law considered so sacrosanct, when the very idea of such a law had only been a relatively new invention? Law and honour were two issues which the Americans could not ignore, and in episode 2 of our Trent Affair analysis, we delve into what they looked like, and what impact each issue had on the development of the crisis.

Don't worry - it's much more exciting than it sounds!

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Hello and merry christmas history friends and patrons! To say thanksss for your support and patience over the last year, I thought I'd give you a special miniseries, set in an unfamiliar but fascinating era. Allow me to introduce you to the Trent Affair, also known as the crisis which nearly sparked off a third Anglo-American War!

In November 1861, an American vessel boarded the Trent, a British steamer, and whisked away two Confederate commissioners who were bound for Europe. The act violated the standards of international law at the time, but more outrageous was the fact that Britain - the Empress of the Seas - had just been insulted. 

When the news broke in Britain, it caused a sensation, and to the British Government, there could be only one course: either there would be satisfaction, complete with an American apology, or there would be WAR! How would such a crisis in Anglo-American relations be resolved? Tune in here to the first of five episodes to find out, or access the five episodes in one large block!

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By summer, 1630, the stage had been set for a Swedish intervention in the German War.  But how did Sweden get to the point where this became feasible, or justifiable? What had caused diplomacy to fail between the Habsburgs and Stockholm? What gripes did King Gustavus Adolphus have with the Habsburgs? Would you believe me if a told you that a tangled web of diplomacy is all to blame? Would you also believe me if I told you that it's an absolutely fascinating story, and one which is rarely, if ever told when people speak of the Thirty Years War? This episode here demonstrates how international the war had become. The Bohemian revolt had mutated from Pandora's Box. There could be no going back now...

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By the dawn of 1630, the Emperor's triumph was secure in the Empire, but now he would have to reckon with the princes and electors of that Empire. They had some steep demands of their own - the dismissal of Wallenstein, and a lasting peace plan which would guarantee their security. The Emperor's wish for a declaration of war on the Dutch, and the confirmation of his son as heir, would have to wait.

Further afield, storm clouds loomed on the horizon which threatened the hard won triumphs. The Spanish demanded a higher contribution from their Austrian cousins; the war in North Italy had turned against their interests, and required more and more soldiers from the Emperor's reserves. The Dutch continued to defeat Spain in detail, and the French continued to finance their exploits. But even worse news was to come. 

King Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, armed with a long list of grievances and a large army, landed in Germany just as the Regensburg meeting was settling. He had picked an ideal moment to do so. The Empire was divided religiously thanks to the Edict of Restitution; Wallenstein had been dismissed; the German princes were all wary of the Emperor's promises and weary of war, and on top of this, the bulk of Habsburg forces had been diverted far from North Germany, and in the quagmire in North Italy. All that remained, was for the King of Sweden to land his first blow, and all the triumphs of the last decade could come crumbling down...

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By late 1628, the Habsburgs appeared supreme. The Danes were on the ropes, and all of the Empire was firmly in the grip of Wallenstein.

But appearances were deceptive. The Emperor's triumph was assured, but his cousins were having less luck. Spanish problems in North Italy demanded a united Habsburg response. Spain needed all the help it could get in its Dutch War, but it was the North Italian front, specifically in Mantua, that the Spanish seemed most invested.

Wallenstein was even petitioned. He could spare some men, right? Well, actually, keeping the German peace was a difficult enough task, and the Emperor didn't make it any easier! Flush with victory, Emperor Ferdinand issued the Edict of Restitution, a document so ill-timed and contentious, it changed everything.

The Empire had soured on the Emperor and his trusty generalissimo. The Edict was the final straw.

By summer 1630, Wallenstein was dismissed to appease Vienna's court, just as Germany was fracturing internally, and a new threat appeared on the scene. It was the King of Sweden, and Wallenstein had been warning of his arrival for some time. Worse, he was backed by French money, and a France newly freed from its own domestic troubles.

The Thirty Years' War had truly begun.

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The 1628 portion of the siege of La Rochelle was an anxious time for Cardinal Richelieu, as much as it was for the inhabitants of Casale, the bastion of the Duchy of Montferrat. Because of extensive commitments to the French Protestant conflict, Richelieu could spare little for North Italy, where the Habsburgs had become deeply involved. Braving winter snows and angry Italians, the Spanish had rushed to besiege Casale while the French were preoccupied. 

But unfortunately for Count Olivares back in Madrid, the very worst outcome to these plans would come to pass. France would emerge from the Siege of La Rochelle by the autumn of 1628, victorious and newly possessed of a large army. Where to send it? To North Italy, and the siege of Casale, which was still dragging on in Spain's name. Far from a one-off confrontation, Casale was the beginning of the end of peace between France and the Habsburg dynasty, a war that had been building - arguably - since the end of the 17th century. Listen into to this dramatic account of the breakdown in great power diplomacy, from fiction author Zack Twamley (wink wink nudge nudge).

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The Huguenots and the English landing on the Isle of Re presented a serious challenge for Richelieu in the summer of 1627,  but it was in North Italy, in the Duchies of Mantua and Montferrat, that the Franco-Spanish rivalary truly began to heat up. Indeed, this confrontation in North Italy would prove to be the prelude for French intervention in the war, in 1635. But not yet! Richelieu had to put down the Huguenots first. Only then could he take the steps on the European stage that would make his name so legendary....

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4) Matchlock and the Embassy, our new historical fiction novel, is out NOW! Get it here

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So, the Thirty Years War eh? What's in it for me, and why do you never shut up about it Zack? Well, if you'll let me, I want to explain why, while I also explain the reasons why yes EVEN YOU will be interested in the Thirty Years War...

If an in-depth examination of the Thirty Years War isn't your thing, how about a historical fiction series set during that era, which will let you dip your toe in, until you jump in utterly obsessed! I recommend you check out Matchlock and the Embassy, the first instalment of my new series which begins in 1622! I'm so excited about it!

Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here.

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Welcome to the Thirty Years War...like you've never seen it before! Learn here how the personal rivalry and hatred between Emperor Ferdinand and his subject Frederick pushed Europe to the brink of the abyss...

Over three decades, this history spat out a wide range of fascinating stories and tales, but in this episode I'm going to focus on one in particular - the incredible story of Frederick V's rise, fall then rise and then fall again! It's a winding tale, but it's also emblematic of the wider war, which could make winners out of loser in the space of a day, and where everything, across the continent of Europe itself, could be changed.

This is the Thirty Years War at its most dramatic and captivating, and I believe if we look at the story of Frederick from the beginning, the escalation of the conflict into the 30 year mess we know today makes much more sense. Frederick's departure represented the beginning of a free for all for the sake of power and influence, but so long as he was alive, Frederick's rivalry with Emperor Ferdinand did more than any other relationship to further the war's flames, until virtually every power of consequence was sucked into the vortex.

Sure, you could listen to the real story of the Thirty Years' War, but why not listen to a fictional story, set during this same period? Matchlock is a historical fiction series set during the Thirty Years' War, beginning in 1622, when Matthew Lock lands in Europe to investigate the brutal murder of his parents. If epic drama, conflict and adorable characters are your thing, Matchlock will be ideal for you!

Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here.

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NEW TO WDF? PLEASE START HERE!

We've been on quite a journey over the last few episodes, and I think it's time we take stock. In this episode, for the benefit of new listeners, I'll explain not only what happens in this conflict, but also why it's fascinating and absolutely worth your time. We bring our story up to 1619, or Episode 18 of the Thirty Years' War back catalogue if you want to listen from the beginning of this incredible story!

Matchlock is my new series set during the Thirty Years' War, beginning in 1622, when Matthew Lock lands in Europe to investigate the brutal murder of his parents. I have a feeling you'd love it!

Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here.

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Our historical fiction series set during the Thirty Years' War is finally ready for you!

Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here.

Although he had been lurking in the background for some time, as he sorted through France's internal problems, by 1629, Cardinal Richelieu was finally ready to make a bold strike in a determined anti-Habsburg direction. That story has since become immortalised, but what of those internal problems? And was this French Cardinal really as willing to shrug of religious maters as is often claiumed? Did the God of pragmatism supplant his faith, or was it all par the course for a Minister who couldn't afford to let his King down? Find out, as we introduce Richelieu to our series. I hope we're ready, because it'll never be the same again!

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Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here. 

In this special episode, I explain some details about Matchlock and the Embassy, which you can now access in all your favourite book vendors, online and off!

Not sure about it? I read our first review, which provides a brilliant analysis of what this novel brings to the table, and why you'll aring war on historical fiction, and I enjoy it if you enjoy Thirty Years War content.

Want to dip your toe in? Have a listen to the new and improved Prologue, which I provide at the end of the episode, to get an idea of what to expect from Matthew Lock.

This is a HUGE deal for me history friends, and I am so excited to see what can be done with this series in the future, when we get even further into the Matchlock story and lore. I hope you're ready, because WDF will never be the same again! I'm declaring war on historical fiction, and I want you by my side when I do!

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Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here.

1629 was THE year of the Thirty Years War, when all the tributaries seemed to join the main river, and flow as one. The Swedish and Poles made their peace, under French sponsorship. The French expelled the Huguenots from La Rochelle. The Spanish continued their siege of Casale, in North Italy. The Danes made their peace with Wallenstein and the Emperor, and the Emperor let the ink dry on his Edict of Restitution, before releasing it to the world. But that wasn't all. 

Across the Dutch border, something incredible was happening... 

It's up for debate when the tide truly turned in the Thirty Years War, and the Habsburgs lost the initiative. However, I would make a strong case for the winds of change blowing in the Spanish Dutch War first, when a daring naval assault by Admiral Piet Hein seized 11 million florins worth of silver just off the Cuban coast. Though he couldn't have known it, Admiral Hein had just knocked over the first in what would be a series of dominoes, that would lead all the way to the peace of Westphalia twenty years later. 

Not only did the Dutch seize the money, thus ruining Spain's precarious financial situation - they also spent that money on several armies, and invested the town of S'hertogenbosch, the capital of Catholic propaganda in the Spanish Netherlands. As if to tie it all together, who should stand side by side Frederick Henry, but Frederick V, Elector Palatine. Although his Austrian enemy was supreme, Frederick had ensured that the Habsburgs could not rest.

The Spanish were crumbling, and it remained for the Lion of the North to roar the whole place down in Germany....

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The war was going well for Emperor Ferdinand by 1629, fallout from the Edict of Restitution notwithstanding, but the Habsburg dynasty wasn't based in Vienna alone. Over in Madrid, things by 1629, with the Dutch war, were beginning to look increasingly dicey. How did such things happen, especially when the Dutch were brought to such a low ebb by 1625? Well, let's find out, we we trace the story of Dutch deliverance, beginning with a now famous scene. 

In 1625, the new Stadholder, Frederick Henry, faced a terrible challenge. The siege of Breda was nearing its end, and the Spanish success seemed guaranteed. But this was Maurice's greatest conquest, and if it fell, just as the legendary Maurice died, surely that didn't bode well for the beleaguered Republic? All that was left to do, was grin and bear it.

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6) Get our new Thirty Years War book, For God or the Devil!

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Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here.

Time to enlighten you on how our new content and plans will factor into our Patreon page going forward, and why you should be very excited indeed!

Don't want to listen? Read instead!

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After so many months preparing, I can finally announce what's happening, and why I'm so excited!

I don't want to give anything away, but I will say, if you're a fan of history, storytelling and the Thirty Years War, then this will blow your mind!

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Matchlock is a historical fiction series set during the Thirty Years' War, beginning in 1622, when Matthew Lock lands in Europe to investigate the brutal murder of his parents.

Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here.

Emperor Ferdinand had it all. The Habsburg dynasty had never been so supreme, and his enemies had been utterly vanquished. But it was not enough for him, or the Jesuits that whispered in his ear. They wanted more than victory, they wanted spiritual triumph as well and to do this, they would risk everything. The Edict of Restitution was the fruit of the Emperor's triumph, but it would prove a bridge too far. Listen here to find out why, what the Edict entailed, and how everything was about to change for the Habsburgs, at the worst possible time.

**DON'T FORGET TO FOLLOW THESE LINKS!**

1) To support the podcast financially in return for some extra audio content, check out Patreon!

2) To find a community of history friends, look at our Facebook page and group!

3) To keep up to date with us, follow us on Twitter!

4) For everything else, visit our website!

5) For merchandise including tees and mugs, all you have to do is click here!

6) Get our new Thirty Years War book, For God or the Devil!

Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Matchlock is a historical fiction series set during the Thirty Years' War, beginning in 1622, when Matthew Lock lands in Europe to investigate the brutal murder of his parents.

Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here.

Was the Thirty Years War a religious war? The long answer is no, the short answer is that religious issues were rarely far from the forefront of the conflict, especially before 1635. By the late 1620s, the Emperor had arrived at a point where the reorganisation of his Hereditary Lands in Austria and Bohemia simply wouldn't do. 

He'd need, instead, to reap the fruits of his victory by reorganising the religious makeup of the entire Holy Roman Empire! The Edict of Restitution had a shaky birth, but its the aftermath brought a storm upon the Habsburgs like never before. This is the story of that Edict - how it came about, why the Emperor wanted it, and why nobody told him it would ruin any chance of peace for another twenty years.

**DON'T FORGET TO FOLLOW THESE LINKS!**

1) To support the podcast financially in return for some extra audio content, check out Patreon!

2) To find a community of history friends, look at our Facebook page and group!

3) To keep up to date with us, follow us on Twitter!

4) For everything else, visit our website!

5) For merchandise including tees and mugs, all you have to do is click here!

6) Get our new Thirty Years War book, For God or the Devil!

Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Matchlock is a historical fiction series set during the Thirty Years' War, beginning in 1622, when Matthew Lock lands in Europe to investigate the brutal murder of his parents.

Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here.

1628 was a pivotal year of the Thirty Years War. Not only did it contain the final full year of war between the Emperor and the Danes, it also contained a total of three sieges running in very different theatres, with seriously consequential stakes for all involved. Would it be Casale in North Italy? La Rochelle on the French coast? Stralsund on the Baltic? It was difficult to say, but one thing that was certain was the growth and development of the war.

The conflict which had once been fought by Bohemian rebels, was now pulling in more and more potentates and states, and with the greater involvement of the French looming, a peace between Sweden and Poland likely, and Wallenstein's reputation deteriorating, there was every reason to suspect that it would continue to grow. The Emperor stood on the verge of a great triumph against Denmark, but it was the question of what he would do with his large enemy once the enemy was defeated, that troubled his German subjects the most...

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1) To support the podcast financially in return for some extra audio content, check out Patreon!

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3) To keep up to date with us, follow us on Twitter!

4) For everything else, visit our website!

5) For merchandise including tees and mugs, all you have to do is click here!

6) Get our new Thirty Years War book, For God or the Devil!

Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Matchlock is a historical fiction series set during the Thirty Years' War, beginning in 1622, when Matthew Lock lands in Europe to investigate the brutal murder of his parents.

Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here.

By 1628, the Habsburgs seemed triumphant. The plan was then to reach the Baltic, and build a fleet of their own to terrify Scandinavia into submission. Would it work? The recent gift of Mecklenburg, along the Baltic shore, and Pomeranian weakness, suggested it would. 

All that stood in the way of Wallenstein's plan, was the Baltic port city of Stralsund. Stocked by veteran mercenaries, and aided by Swedish and Danish troops, the city's residents stood strong. By the summer, the city was under Sweden's protection, hinting that King Gustavus Adolphus would soon turn his attention to Germany, as his Polish war wound down. 

Triumphant, the Emperor believed the time was right to rectify the religious order of things... just at exactly the wrong time.

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1) To support the podcast financially in return for some extra audio content, check out Patreon!

2) To find a community of history friends, look at our Facebook page and group!

3) To keep up to date with us, follow us on Twitter!

4) For everything else, visit our website!

5) For merchandise including tees and mugs, all you have to do is click here!

6) Get our new Thirty Years War book, For God or the Devil!

Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Matchlock is a historical fiction series set during the Thirty Years' War, beginning in 1622, when Matthew Lock lands in Europe to investigate the brutal murder of his parents.

Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here.

By late 1626, Emperor Ferdinand was riding high. But this season of triumph was not enough. Ferdinand had bigger dreams than the mere destruction of his enemies. He imagined a new world order, where threats to the Habsburg dynasty ceased to exist, and the Catholic Church bloomed. Sound too tyrannical and storybook to be true? Judge for yourself. 

After turning down the best opportunity for a German peace in summer 1627, it was hard to avoid the impression that the Habsburgs were going for broke, and aimed at nothing less than total victory. To create their supremacy under the force of so many Habsburg levies, the dynasty would have to ignore many ill-omens on the way. Perhaps the greatest ill-omen of all was the idea that the Emperor could only push Europe so far, before it united against him. The lesson was heard, but it was not learned.

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Matchlock is a historical fiction series set during the Thirty Years' War, beginning in 1622, when Matthew Lock lands in Europe to investigate the brutal murder of his parents.

Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here.

As 1626 dawned, two saviours were on the march to the rescue of their respective camps. King Christian IV of Denmark looked poised to save the princes and cities of the Lower Saxon Circle from a looming Habsburg threat, and guarantees and supplies from the other members of the Hague Alliance were on the way to buffer his campaign. On the other hand, Albrecht of Wallenstein marched his army of 24,000 to the aid of the outnumbered Count Tilly. Backing him were the interests of the whole Habsburg dynasty, in addition to its Bavarian allies. These two forces were set to clash, and only one could come out on top...

**DON'T FORGET TO FOLLOW THESE LINKS!**

1) To support the podcast financially in return for some extra audio content, check out Patreon!

2) To find a community of history friends, look at our Facebook page and group!

3) To keep up to date with us, follow us on Twitter!

4) For everything else, visit our website!

5) For merchandise including tees and mugs, all you have to do is click here!

6) Get our new Thirty Years War book, For God or the Devil!

Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Matchlock is a historical fiction series set during the Thirty Years' War, beginning in 1622, when Matthew Lock lands in Europe to investigate the brutal murder of his parents.

Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here.

With the King of Denmark on the march, and the net closing in on him, Emperor Ferdinand was forced to go big or go home. So instead, he went big, VERY big. He turned to Albrecht von Wallenstein, thus far his most important loan shark and self-made millionaire, not to mention influential landowner. What would be the consequences if the Emperor created his own private army, answerable to nobody but him? In fact, you could argue that this was the moment when the war became the conflict we know today. Ferdinand raised the stakes, and those stakes would eventually swallow him whole.

**DON'T FORGET TO FOLLOW THESE LINKS!**

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3) To keep up to date with us, follow us on Twitter!

4) For everything else, visit our website!

5) For merchandise including tees and mugs, all you have to do is click here!

6) Get our new Thirty Years War book, For God or the Devil!

Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Matchlock is a historical fiction series set during the Thirty Years' War, beginning in 1622, when Matthew Lock lands in Europe to investigate the brutal murder of his parents.

Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here.

King Christian IV of Denmark had more than a lot on his plate by 1625. He was the King of Denmark, and the Duke of Holstein. Yet he was also an important Protestant figure, the leader of a German dynasty, and a father determined to acquire the best inheritance for his sons. As of 1625, King Christian IV was also something else - at war with the Holy Roman Emperor and his vassals, for reasons that varied and became increasingly complex since 1618. 

King Christian had scores to settle and securities to guarantee, but he wasn't marching alone. Behind him was the Hague Alliance, the pact between the English, Dutch and Danes to defend against the Habsburgs, be they in Spain or Austria. As both camps marched in step, was this the moment when the Elector Palatine's rebellion became a European war? Almost, we're not quite there yet...

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Matchlock is a historical fiction series set during the Thirty Years' War, beginning in 1622, when Matthew Lock lands in Europe to investigate the brutal murder of his parents.

Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here.

The Hague Alliance of 1625 was only the latest in a long series of things that Frederick couldn't afford to get his hopes up about. It involved England, the Netherlands and Denmark in a mutual defensive alliance, and England even went to war with Spain shortly afterwards. But Frederick had been here before, when his allies appeared to save him, only to fall at the last hurdle. This time, it could be different. After all, the King of Denmark Christian IV, was on the case, and he was critical to the pace and shape of the Thirty Years War, even if he was soon to become its most noteworthy victim

**DON'T FORGET TO FOLLOW THESE LINKS!**

1) To support the podcast financially in return for some extra audio content, check out Patreon!

2) To find a community of history friends, look at our Facebook page and group!

3) To keep up to date with us, follow us on Twitter!

4) For everything else, visit our website!

5) For merchandise including tees and mugs, all you have to do is click here!

6) Get our new Thirty Years War book, For God or the Devil!

Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Matchlock is a historical fiction series set during the Thirty Years' War, beginning in 1622, when Matthew Lock lands in Europe to investigate the brutal murder of his parents.

Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here.

Have I got a story for you, or rather, a play. With the failure of the Spanish Match, the anti-Spanish sentiments were bound to soar in England, but when a not so subtle play - A Game at Chess - was released to the Globe theatre in August 1624, this was too far for King James and company. The King was embarrassed, but it was to be the final such scandal of his reign. His reign not long or this world, and within a few months, he'd be replaced by Charles, and the looming Hague Alliance. Frederick's dream of restitution remained alive.

**DON'T FORGET TO FOLLOW THESE LINKS!**

1) To support the podcast financially in return for some extra audio content, check out Patreon!

2) To find a community of history friends, look at our Facebook page and group!

3) To keep up to date with us, follow us on Twitter!

4) For everything else, visit our website!

5) For merchandise including tees and mugs, all you have to do is click here!

6) Get our new Thirty Years War book, For God or the Devil!

Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Matchlock is a historical fiction series set during the Thirty Years' War, beginning in 1622, when Matthew Lock lands in Europe to investigate the brutal murder of his parents.

Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here.

Stop me if you think you've heard it. Guy travels incognito to a girl in far off land. Confirms girl will marry him. Girl's father agrees to marriage. Girl's father is actually the King of Spain. Incognito guy is actually King Charles I of Britain, before he lost his head. The whole unbelievable scheme was the kind of brainchild of the Prince of Wales, who wanted to force Spain's hand and hurry up the marriage negotiations for Princess Maria. The Spanish Match was King James I and VI's ultimate plan, not only because it would tie England to Catholicism's most serene dynasty, but also because his family could ensure peace. 

But peace was far from the life of the OTHER side of King James' plan. The marriage of Elizabeth Stuart into the Electoral Palatine Protestant family hadn't gone so well. Caught up in Frederick's whirlwind scheme for the Crown of Bohemia, her and her husband Frederick were now outlaws in the Holy Roman Empire. The pair lived in Dutch exile, but Frederick, the former King of Bohemia, and the dispossessed Elector of the Palatinate, continued to scheme. As he did so, he worked to keep King James and his Spanish Match apart. Foiling that scheme, Frederick believed, was the least a man could do hen Spain had destroyed and occupied his Rhineland home.

The marriage between Princess Maria and Prince Charles hung in the balance, and Britain was perched on the edge of war with Spain. Sounds like Episode 30 of the Thirty Years War! Sounds like the perfect time to stop by and escape into this incredible world!

**DON'T FORGET TO FOLLOW THESE LINKS!**

1) To support the podcast financially in return for some extra audio content, check out Patreon!

2) To find a community of history friends, look at our Facebook page and group!

3) To keep up to date with us, follow us on Twitter!

4) For everything else, visit our website!

5) For merchandise including tees and mugs, all you have to do is click here!

6) Get our new Thirty Years War book, For God or the Devil!

Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Matchlock is a historical fiction series set during the Thirty Years' War, beginning in 1622, when Matthew Lock lands in Europe to investigate the brutal murder of his parents.

Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here.

The early 1620's were a period of strange diplomatic behaviour for Britain, trapped as it was between the visions of a perpetual peace forged by marriage, and the realities of European political interest. Here we learn of an individual who went through this experience personally, a gentleman and diplomat, Sir Robert Phelips. Phelips began as a keen advocate of the Spanish Marriage, King James' plan to wed his children to Calvinist and Catholic partners for the sake of a glorious peace. But then, something changed in him, and the advocate became the critic, with terrible consequences. Was war on the horizon between England and Spain?

******

**DON'T FORGET TO FOLLOW THESE LINKS!**

1) To support the podcast financially in return for some extra audio content, check out Patreon!

2) To find a community of history friends, look at our Facebook page and group!

3) To keep up to date with us, follow us on Twitter!

4) For everything else, visit our website!

5) For merchandise including tees and mugs, all you have to do is click here!

6) Get our new Thirty Years War book, For God or the Devil!

Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Matchlock is a historical fiction series set during the Thirty Years' War, beginning in 1622, when Matthew Lock lands in Europe to investigate the brutal murder of his parents.

Order your copy of Matchlock and the Embassy by clicking here.

King James of Britain was a complex fellow, and while his son is arguably more infamous, the father had some issues of his own to get through too. Most particularly, in the Spanish Match, the king's quest to balance Europe with a Palatine Protestant marital alliance on one hand and a Spanish Catholic on the other. Had it worked, Europe may have been spared the 30 Years War, and we could be talking about the Great Peacemaker. Unfortunately, this was a fantasy land only the King himself appeared to live in, and he would have to be rudely shaken out of it before that dodgy Spanish ambassador makes his move...

******

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