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Bringing you unfiltered public documents that deserve to be more accessible. Dan Williams, the voice behind the Mueller Report Audio podcast, reads some of the most important government documents for those who want the information, but may be too busy to read or simply want to do other things while consuming the information.
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The report concludes with a set of 11 recommendations by the committee. This section describes recommended legislation, the need for accountability, the designation of the joint session of Congress as a National Special Security Event, and clarity on the authority of the House to enforce its subpoenas through civil litigation. The recommendations also suggest enhancing penalties for threats against election workers, exploring the role of the media in radicalizing consumers, and consideration of risks posed regarding President Trump's possible use of the Insurrection Act.
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After the House and Senate Members were evacuated, law enforcement officers cleared rioters out of the Capitol and off the grounds. Starting before 3:00 p.m., it took law enforcement approximately three hours to push rioters out of the Capitol building and off the East and West Plazas. This section details the timeline of events as the Capitol was cleared to allow for Congress to resume the counting of votes and the certification of the election.
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When rioters surrounded the perimeter of the Capitol, and reached the Senate and House Chambers, Members were forced to evacuate for safety. USCP officers responded to both Chambers and served as escorts. By the time the Capitol was breached, the Senate and House had split from the joint session and returned to their individual chambers. This section also provides the detail that members of Congress were in the midst of evacuating through the Speaker’s Lobby when a USCP officer fatally shot Ashli Babbitt as she tried to climb through a broken glass door.
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This section of the report describes the clashes between rioters at the Capitol and the officers on the scene. One of the most brutal attacks of the day occurred outside the West Plaza tunnel when rioters dragged MPD Officer Michael Fanone into the crowd, and then tased, beat, and stole his badge and radio. One of Fanone's attackers said he came to D.C. because the "commander in chief and the leader of our country" was calling for help and he thought he was "doing the right thing."
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Extremists, conspiracy theorists and others breached the U.S. Capitol building at several locations over the course of an hour. This section describes how they probed for weaknesses in the building’s defenses, battled law enforcement personnel who stood in their way, and coordinated and communicated with groups in different areas. The first entrance was breached at 2:14 p.m., and rioters gained access to one final entry point at 4:15 p.m.
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Far-right extremists continued to lead the charge as protestors streamed onto the U.S. Capitol’s restricted grounds. This section describes the actions of Guy Reffitt, Daniel Scott, Ryan Kelley, Chris Worrell and others as the group closed in on the entrance to the Capitol. At 1:49 p.m., MPD declared a riot at the Capitol. By 2:00 p.m., the rioters were only feet away from the entrances.
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This section of the report tracks the steps of Alex Jones after the left the VIP section at the Ellipse rally early to lead the march toward the Capitol. Caroline Wren, a Republican fundraiser who helped organize the Ellipse event, originally expected Jones, Roger Stone, and retired Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn to march to the Capitol. The Select Committee’s review of the evidence showed that Jones simultaneously called on the crowd to “fight” and start a “revolution,” while occasionally peppering his rhetoric with the word “peacefully.”
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Within minutes of arriving at the Peace Circle, the Proud Boys and their associates launched the attack on the U.S. Capitol. At the conclusion of his speech at the Ellipse, President Trump directed rally attendees to march down Pennsylvania Avenue to the U.S. Capitol. Their shortest natural path would lead them right to the Peace Circle and to the northwest side of the Capitol grounds. As a result of the groups efforts to remove barriers, it helped to allow thousands of people to stream into the restricted Capitol grounds with relative ease.
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While tens of thousands of President Trump’s supporters attended the rally at the Ellipse, the Proud Boys gathered at the Washington Monument. At 10:30 a.m., the Proud Boys started their march down the National Mall towards the U.S. Capitol. After arriving at the Capitol they walked around the grounds, taunted some of the Capitol Police officers, posed for photos with other delegation members and then ate lunch before going to the Peace Circle at 12:49 p.m.
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On January 6th, tens of thousands of Americans from around the country gathered at the Ellipse and the Washington Monument. Nick Quested, a documentary filmmaker, captured the mood that morning as some Trump supporters claimed that January 6th would be the new 1776. Far-right extremists brought guns into Washington or the surrounding area. This section documents how there were many in the crowd who armed themselves with the intent of breaking into the Capitol.
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The January 6th attack has often been described as a riot. That is partly true. Some of those who trespassed on the Capitol’s grounds or entered the building did not plan to do so beforehand. But it is also true that extremists, conspiracy theorists and others were prepared to fight. That is an insurrection. They answered President Trump’s call to action. This chapter will provide a detailed timeline of events throughout the attack on the Capitol.
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Some of President Trump's supporters made the connection between his words and the violence on January 6th. This section lists some of the text messages from Ali Alexander, Hope Hicks, Brad Parscale and Patrick McDonnell that connected the day's rhetoric to the death of Ashli Babbitt at the Capitol.
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According to this section of the report, the Committee could not find any account where there President expressed grief or regret for what happened at the Capitol. Interviews from Johnny McEntee and Ivaka Trump are cited along with the absence of recorded phone calls to the Vice President or any members of leadership in the legislative branch.
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Even after President Trump finally told the rioters to go home, he and his lead attorney, Rudolph Giuliani, continued to seek to delay the joint session of Congress. This section details the calls President Trump made, the people he was speaking to, and the length of time of the conversations. Near the end of the day, the Campaign Communications Director drafted a statement for the President assuring the nation that the transfer of power would, indeed, take place.
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At 6:01 p.m., President Trump issued another tweet, the last of the day: "These are the things and events that happen when a sacred landslide election victory is so unceremoniously & viciously stripped away from great patriots who have been badly & unfairly treated for so long. Go home with love & in peace. Remember this day forever!" This section concludes with his comments to an employee following the day's events.
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Previous tweets directed to the rioters at the Capitol were not enough. Conservative media personalities, Republican allies in Congress, and the President’s own family members, continued to pressure Chief of Staff Mark Meadows to get the President on camera for a statement telling people to leave the Capitol. Once the video was released, nearly three hours after the violence began, people at the Capitol took it as an order to head home.
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A barrage of text messages inundated the phone of President Trump's Chief of Staff with a consistent plea. Everyone from conservative media personalities to Republican allies in Congress, and even the President’s own family, urged the President to do more. The result of the efforts prompted another tweet, similar to a previous one, that asked everyone to remain peaceful and to respect law enforcement.
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"Please support our Capitol Police and Law Enforcement. They are truly on the side of our Country. Stay peaceful!" This was a tweet issued by President Trump at 2:38 p.m. This chapter provides details surrounding the efforts by Ivanka Trump in urging the President to issue the post and how others in the White House felt that it did not go far enough to condemn the violence at the Capitol.
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This chapter highlights a conversation between House Leader Kevin McCarthy and President Trump during the attack on the Capitol. “[These] aren’t my people, you know, these are—these are Antifa,” President Trump insisted. “They’re your people. They literally just came through my office windows, and my staff are running for cover. I mean, they’re running for their lives. You need to call them off,” Leader McCarthy told him. Representative Jaime Herrera Beutler, a Republican congresswoman from Washington State said what President Trump said next was “chilling." “Well, Kevin, I guess they’re just more upset about the election theft than you are,” the President said.
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At 2:24 p.m., President Trump made his first public statement during the attack on the Capitol by tweet. It was viewed as an attack on Vice President Pence. A Secret Service agent in the Protective Intelligence Division, tasked with monitoring threats against protectees in part by scouring social media, told his colleagues the tweet was “probably not going to be good for Pence.
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Throughout the afternoon, the President’s advisors tried to get him to tell the mob to leave the Capitol. This section describes the concerns of members of the White House staff who wanted the President to release a statement regarding the violence outside the Capitol. It also talks about the reaction of the White House counsel when he realized that rioters had entered the Capitol.
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After returning to the White House following his speech at the Ellipse, President Trump walked through the corridor from the Oval Office into the Presidential Dining Room and sat down at the table with the television remote and a Diet Coke. For the rest of the afternoon—as his country faced an hours-long attack—he hunkered down in or around the dining room, watching television. Based on notes taken by the White House Press Secretary, President Trump continued to press the idea of physically walking from the White House to the Capitol.
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The Committee received information informally from current and former members of the Secret Service and former White House staff from witnesses describing President Trump as “angry,” “irate,” or “furious” during an interaction in the Presidential vehicle between the President and the Secret Service. This section describes the evidence surrounding the President's intent to travel to the Capitol along with his supporters following his speech at the Ellipse. Even after arriving back at the White House, there was still some uncertainty whether or not the move to the Capitol would still occur.
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The President was told, according to testimony, that many members of the crowd gathered at the Ellipse were unwilling to pass through the magnetometers because they were armed. President Trump was furious because he wanted them to come in and help fill some of the empty seats. He also wanted to march with them to the Capitol. As this section explains, it would be complicated for the Secret Service to coordinate a presidential movement even on a normal day. But with tens of thousands of supporters flooding into downtown DC, and the crowd around the Capitol becoming more violent, it made it nearly impossible.
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Vice President Pence was critical to President Trump's plan for January 6th to delay the certification. He tried to reach the Vice President, but couldn’t. Trump spoke with his speechwriter for about 30 minutes ahead of his planned rally and made changes that called out the Vice President by name. These late additions were the first time that Pence was named directly in the planned remarks. This section describes the timeline for the addition, the removal, and the ultimate reinsertion of these lines into the speech.
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This section provides an overview of the upcoming chapter detailing President Trump's actions, and the failure to take action in some cases. Once the attack was underway, President Trump initially ignored the counsel of his own family, members of his administration, Republican elected officials, and friendly Fox News personalities. Upon the release of a video at 4:17 p.m., some people involved in the riot testified that they left soon it came out and provided their reasons.
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On the evening of January 5th, the President edited the speech he would deliver the next day at the Ellipse. The initial draft circulated on January 5th emphasized that the crowd would march to the U.S. Capitol. Based on what they had heard from others in the White House, the speechwriting team expected President Trump to use his address to tell people to go to the Capitol. In speaking with staff, he still seemed optimistic that “Congress would take some sort of action in his favor.”
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While the “Stop the Steal” coalition was not given speaking slots on the Ellipse stage on January 6th, its leaders had plenty of opportunities to speak the day before. And they used their platforms to rile up the crowd in Washington, DC.
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The “Stop the Steal” movement played an outsized role in promoting January 6th. And now, as the day approached, its leading voices wanted prime speaking gigs—perhaps even on the same stage as President Trump. In the end, the “Stop the Steal” leaders—Stone, Jones and Alexander —did not appear on the stage at the Ellipse on January 6th, although they did speak at other planned events.
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President Trump wanted to personally accompany his supporters on the march from the Ellipse to the U.S. Capitol. During a January 4th meeting with staffers Trump emphasized his desire to march with his supporters. Although his advisors tried to talk the President out of personally going, they understood that his supporters would be marching. President Trump did not give up on the idea of personally joining his supporters on their march.
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On the evening of December 27th, President Trump boosted the January 6th event, saying "Don’t miss it. Information to follow!” A December 29th text provided the earliest evidence of the plan to send people to march to the Capitol to "make noise.” The “Stop the Steal” coalition was aware of the plan as well. On January 5th, Ali Alexander sent a text to a journalist saying: “Ellipse then US capitol."
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Alex Jones dedicated much of the December 20th episode of his InfoWars show to President Trump’s “be wild” tweet, telling his listeners that nothing less than the fate of the American Republic was at stake. Jones’s broadcast led to an influx of funds for the January 6th event. Julie Fancelli had recently become a donor to Jones’s InfoWars site and decided she wanted to back the cause after listening to Jones’s December 20th show.
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In the days following President Trump’s tweet, many rally organizers secured permits for about one dozen events in Washington, DC on January 5th and 6th. Women for America First (WFAF), Stop the Steal, LLC, the Jericho March organization, Moms for America, Latinos for Trump and the Virginia Freedom Keepers were among the groups planning to host or coordinate events following the announcement by President Trump.
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Within three minutes of President Trump’s "Be there" tweet, a user posted on TheDonald.win message board: “Trump Tweet. Daddy Says Be In DC on Jan. 6th.” In the days that followed, users on TheDonald.win discussed: surrounding and occupying the U.S. Capitol; cutting off access tunnels used by Members of Congress; the types of weapons they should bring; and even how to build a hangman’s gallows. Trump Campaign Senior Advisor Jason Miller interacted with users of the site leading up to Jan. 6 and sent a text to the White House chief of staff saying he "got the base FIRED UP."
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QAnon is a cult that gained popularity in 2017, when a person known only as “Q” began posting an anonymous message board. QAnon adherents believe that President Trump is battling the forces of the “deep state” and a Satanic pedophile ring operated by leading Democrats and the American elite. As January 6th drew closer, multiple posts from a QAnon-linked website indicated that violence was imminent.
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There was another group anti-government extremists who viewed President Trump’s December 19th, tweet as a call to arms. The Three Percenters believe that three percent of American colonists successfully overthrew the British during the American Revolution. As with the Oath Keepers, many Three Percenters have turned against the U.S. Government, such that they equate it with the British monarchy and believe it should be overthrown. The Three Percenters were among the groups who used Zello (a walkie talkie app) to share intelligence.
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Nick Fuentes is an online provocateur who leads a white nationalist movement known as “America First,” or the “Groypers.” Fuentes responded to President Trump’s “be wild” tweet, writing on Twitter on December 19, 2020, “I will return to Washington DC to rally for President Trump on January 6th!” After his efforts, he boasted, “For a brief time yesterday the US Capital was once again occupied by The American People, before the regime wrested back control.”
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This section describes how a number of different groups came together in late 2020 as part of the “Stop the Steal” cause. Roger Stone, arguably President Trump’s oldest political advisor, maintained contact with these groups through a Signal chat group named “F.O.S.”—or Friends of Stone. The Select Committee sought to question Roger Stone about these relationships, but he invoked his Fifth Amendment right nearly 90 times during his deposition.
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Stewart Rhodes’s and Oath Keepers’ lawyer Kellye SoRelle arrived in Washington on the afternoon of January 5th. They immediately went to Freedom Plaza, where President Trump had instructed rally organizers to give some of his most extreme supporters time to speak. Leaders of different groups, including Rhodes encouraged President Trump to invoke the Insurrection Act and call up combat veterans who are “ready to step in and do what is needed.”
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President Trump’s tweet on December 19th conveyed a sense of urgency which provided the Oath Keepers and Proud Boys the opportunity to work together for a common goal. In the days that followed, this section explains how groups met together through video meetings to discuss plans for January 6th. It also documents where weapons caches were placed outside of D.C. as part of their contingency planning.
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This section describes another organization involved in the January 6 events: The Oath Keepers. The group called for President Trump to invoke the Insurrection Act throughout December 2020, arguing that the President needed to do so to “Stop the Steal.” In a message to the Oath Keepers, group founder Elmer Stewart Rhodes wrote: “We need to push Tump [sic] to do his duty. If he doesn’t, we will do ours." Rhodes believed that the President could empower militias like the Oath Keepers to enforce law and order after other Americans refused to accept President Trump’s rule.
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This section describes the background of the Proud Boys group and how their growth was impacted following a statement by President Trump during a debate. As former Vice President Joe Biden’s victory became apparent, Proud Boys leaders directed their ire toward others in the Government. The group was involved with a couple key events in Washington D.C. ahead of January 6th. Additionally, they created an encrypted chat to help the group's leaders coordinate in advance of their efforts to storm the Capitol.
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President Trump’s “be wild” tweet immediately mobilized extremists and conspiracy theorists in the “Stop the Steal” coalition. “Stop the Steal” events and other protests throughout 2020 helped build the momentum for January 6th. Two of these rallies in Washington D.C. were critically important. “Stop the Steal” organizers also tried to use the mob they had assembled—including extremists from the Proud Boys, Oath Keepers, Three Percenters and Groypers—to intimidate lawmakers and overturn the election results in Georgia.
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Electors around the country met to cast their Electoral College votes in December 2020. Their vote ensured former Vice President Joe Biden's victory and cemented President Donald J. Trump's defeat. President Trump however, had no intention of conceding. As he plotted ways to stay in power, the President summoned a mob for help. On December 19th, President Trump tweeted: “Big protest in D.C. on January 6th. Be there, will be wild!” This section summarizes the various groups that helped to orchestrate the attack on the U.S. Capitol.
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After January 6th, John Eastman reached out to Eric Herschmann, a lawyer in the White House Counsel’s Office, to talk about litigation in Georgia on behalf of the Trump Campaign. Herschmann used the opportunity to berate Eastman and to recommend that he find a criminal defense lawyer. Eastman later reach out to Rudy Giuliani about being on a list for presidential pardons.
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This section describes the actions taken by Vice President Mike Pence on January 6th after rioters broke into the Capitol. The Vice President refused the Secret Service’s first two attempts to evacuate him from his ceremonial office, but was ultimately forced to a more secure location. He decided he was staying in the building unless there was imminent danger to bodily safety, because he did not want to provide a win to the rioters.
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5.3 - President Trump and His Allies Continue to Pressure the Vice President on January 6th, Threatening His Life and Our Democracy
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5.2 - President Trump and His Allies Exert Intense Public and Private Pressure on the Vice President in Advance of the Joint Session of Congress on January 6th
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5.1 - President Trump and His Allies Embark on a Desperate Gambit to Block Certification of the 2020 Presidential Election
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As January 6th approached, President Trump turned on his own Vice President. This chapter describes the pressure placed on Vice President Mike Pence in the days leading up to January 6th. It also provides evidence that President Trump knew what he was doing was in violation of the Electoral Count Act and the U.S. Constitution. Finally, sending his supporters to march to the U.S. Capitol was one last attempt to pressure Vice President Pence into taking one of the two options that President Trump and John Eastman believed would either keep Trump in office or delay former Vice President Biden from taking office.
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The most senior DOJ officials stopped President Trump from co-opting America’s leading law enforcement agency for his own corrupt purposes. This short section concludes with a quote from Jeffrey Rosen regarding his short time as the Acting Attorney General.
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On January 3rd, Clark informed Rosen that he had decided to accept the President’s offer to serve as the Acting Attorney General. Rosen took four steps to try and prevent Clark’s ascension to Attorney General. At Rosen’s request, White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows arranged a meeting with the President that evening. The threat of mass resignations ultimately prevented Clark from taking over as acting Acting Attorney General.
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On Saturday, January 2nd, Rosen and Donoghue told Clark that he should stop meeting with the President. Clark told Rosen that he would decline the offer to become the Acting AG if Rosen and Donoghue signed his letter to officials in Georgia. That same day, President Trump attempted to coerce Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger into finding enough votes to win the state.
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On December 31st, 2020, President Trump returned to Washington, DC, after celebrating Christmas in Florida. The President once again raised the prospect of naming Clark the Acting Attorney General. Trump also floated the prospect of naming a special counsel to investigate the allegations surrounding the elections. During the December 31st meeting, the President also raised the prospect of seizing the voting machines. However, the DOJ pushed back, saying they had no basis to seize voting machines from the States.
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On December 30th, Acting Attorney General Rosen had a phone call with President Trump that included a discussion about the proposed United States v. Pennsylvania lawsuit. During the call, Rosen clearly explained to the President that DOJ could not file it.
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In a meeting on December 29th, senior DOJ officials were presented with a draft civil complain tentatively called United States v. Pennsylvania. The DOJ looked at the lawsuit and determined they could not file it for multiple reasons. One primary reason was the proposed lawsuit lacked merit. This chapter also brings up a new allegation of a conspiracy involving an Italian company that was involved in changing votes in the Presidential election.
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On December 28, 2020, Jeffrey Clark sent a five-page draft letter to Department of Justice leaders for their signature. If signed and sent, the letter may have provoked a constitutional crisis. The letter was a recommendation to Georgia state leaders to hold a special session in light of "significant concerns that may have impacted the outcome of the election." It also supported the notion of competing slates of electors in other contested states.
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Representative Perry was one of President Trump’s key congressional allies in the effort to overturn the election’s results. When Perry called Donoghue on December 27th, the Pennsylvania Congressman saidthat President Trump asked him to call. Perry said he didn't think DOJ had been doing its job on the election. Because Pennsylvania’s election site had not been updated, it led to claims that there were more votes counted than there were actual votes cast in the state.
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President Trump made several allegations during a December 27th call with Acting Attorney General Rosen. Acting Deputy Attorney General Donoghue was conferenced in and said the President was becoming more adamant that they weren't doing their job. President Trump wanted the Department to say the election was corrupt, so he and the Republican Congressmen could exploit the statement in the days leading up to January 6th.
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Congressman Scott Perry, a Republican from Pennsylvania, introduced a little-known DOJ official named Jeffrey Clark to the President. While Clark was the Acting Head of the Civil Division and Head of the Environmental and Natural Resources Division at the Department of Justice, he was introduced to the President. Clark said that if Trump would change the leadership at the DOJ, he might be able to do more to support the President’s claims about the election.
Acting Deputy Attorney General Richard Donoghue provided details to the Select Committee about his first meeting with President Trump on December 15th, the day following Barr's resignation. Donoghue said this meeting was primarily focused on the ASOG report auditing the voting machines in Michigan. Trump was adamant that it proved that the election was defective and the Department should be using that report to tell the American people that the election results were not trustworthy.
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On December 14, 2020, Attorney General Barr submitted his resignation to President Trump. This section provides details about the reason why Barr turned in his resignation and his final Oval Office meeting with President Trump. Before Barr resigned, Trump pressed him to continue to investigate in Michigan after the Allied Security Operations Group (ASOG) released a report on Dominion voting machines in Antrim County.
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After President Trump attacked the DOJ, Attorney General Barr decided to speak out. He invited an Associated Press reporter to lunch on December 1st. Barr told the journalist that the department had not seen fraud on a scale that could have effected a different outcome in the election. Trump called Barr into the Oval Office and the Attorney General offered his resignation.
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On November 23rd, the Attorney General was called to the White House to meet with President Trump. President Trump didn't feel the Department of Justice was doing enough to investigate his election fraud claims. Barr explained to the President why he was wrong. DOJ, was willing to investigate any specific and credible allegations of fraud. The fact of the matter was that the claims being made had no merit upon further investigation.
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Note: This is the first section of Chapter 4. Unlike the previous three chapters, Chapter 4 does not have an introduction.
U.S. Attorney General William Barr knew there would be trouble before all the votes had been counted. As was expected, the early vote tally favored Republicans on election night because the mail-in ballots were not yet fully counted. This occurred in 2020 and in previous elections. The President knew of this phenomenon but exploited it on election night, as he and his allies had planned to do. According to Barr, President Trump exploited this timing gap and used it as “the basis for this broad claim that there was major fraud.”
As January 6th approached, there were members of the Republican party who expressed grave concerns about the fake elector effort. It was becoming clear that the Trump team wanted the fake electors’ votes to be considered on January 6th even without authorization the states. This section describes some of the last moment attempts to deliver some of the fake elector documents to Vice President Mike Pence shortly before the joint session of Congress.
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On December 14th, using instructions provided by Kenneth Chesebro, the fake Trump electors gathered and participated in signing ceremonies in all seven States. All seven of these invalid sets of electoral votes were then transmitted to Washington, DC. This section describes how some were encouraged to maintain secrecy or even hide overnight to try and legally be in the proper place to sign the faked documents.
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Not all of the Republican electoral college nominees were on board with the fake elector plan. Some expressed that they had been misled by the Trump team, while others had deep concerns and went ahead with the plan anyway. This section recognizes more than a dozen people who dropped out from participating in the plan.
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Campaign lawyers as well as the Office of White House Counsel expressed concern over the plan to have fake electors submit their votes for President Trump. Legal staffers reduced their involvement in the fake elector effort when they felt there wasn't a feasible scenario where the courts could decide that President Trump actually won any of the States he contested. This section explains how Rudy Giuliani and Kenneth Chesebro led the effort to organize the fake elector plan at the direction of President Trump.
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In early December, the Trump Campaign took note of Kenneth Chesebro’s fake elector plan and began to put it into action. In early December, Mark Meadows forwarded a copy of Chesebro’s November 18, 2020, memo to Jason Miller to set up a meeting. By December 7th or 8th, it appeared that President Trump had decided to pursue the fake elector plan and was driving it.
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The plan to use fake electors emerged from a series of legal memos written by Kenneth Chesebro, an attorney based in Boston and New York recruited to assist the Trump Campaign as a volunteer legal advisor. Memos by Chesebro in November and December, discussed in this section, laid the foundation for the plan that Vice President Mike Pence would need to help enact on January 6th.
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December 14, 2020, was the date when certified electors met to cast their electoral votes for the candidate who won the popular vote in their respective states. However, groups of fake electors also met on this same date to cast electoral votes for President Trump in states that he had lost. This was part of a coordinated scheme that took shape as ‘President of the Senate’ strategy discussed throughout this chapter.
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The January 6th Report: A reading of Chapter 2.7 - The Harm Caused by Demonizing Public Servants
President Trump and his team’s practice of naming and viciously criticizing people had real consequences. Governors, secretaries of State, State legislators, State and local election officials, and frontline election workers were subjected to public demonization and subsequent spamming, doxing, harassment, intimidation, and violent threats. The final section of chapter two details some of the harm caused.
These episodes are created based on the value-for-value model - if you find value in the effort to provide an open and available reading of this document, please support the podcast at governmentunfiltered.com or patreon.com/timberlanemedia. If you'd like to provide an anonymous donation, you can go to glow.fm/insider. Follow the show on Twitter @GovUnfiltered or on Facebook at facebook.com/governmentunfiltered.
The January 6th Report: A reading of Chapter 2.6 - The Final Outreach to State Legislators
President Trump’s Campaign team, advisors, and volunteers generally acted in accord with a “Strategic Communications Plan” when engaging with State officials. Pieces of the plan had been in place for some period of time before the document was created, but it may have been the “catalyst” for memorializing the plan as the deadline of January 6th approached.
These episodes are created based on the value-for-value model - if you find value in the effort to provide an open and available reading of this document, please support the podcast at governmentunfiltered.com or patreon.com/timberlanemedia. If you'd like to provide an anonymous donation, you can go to glow.fm/insider. Follow the show on Twitter @GovUnfiltered or on Facebook at facebook.com/governmentunfiltered.
The January 6th Report: A reading of Chapter 2.5 - Some Officials Eagerly Assisted President Trump With His Plans
This section focuses primarily on President Trump's coordination with Pennsylvania State Senator Doug Mastriano and their efforts leading up to January 6. By coordinating a group of Pennsylvania State senators to meet with President Trump in the Oval Office, they were able to persuade an estimated 20 members toward overturning the election in the state. It also details how Pennsylvania’s stringent lobbying laws prevented additional pressure being placed on state legislators. Instead those efforts were directed toward Arizona.
These episodes are created based on the value-for-value model - if you find value in the effort to provide an open and available reading of this document, please support the podcast at governmentunfiltered.com or patreon.com/timberlanemedia. If you'd like to provide an anonymous donation, you can go to glow.fm/insider. Follow the show on Twitter @GovUnfiltered or on Facebook at facebook.com/governmentunfiltered.
The January 6th Report: A reading of Chapter 2.4 - An Outright Request for Victory
Beyond asking State officials to not certify, to decertify, or to appoint Trump electors for consideration during the joint session, President Trump and some of his closest advisors inserted themselves directly into the counting of ballots and asked, outright, for enough votes to win. This section documents some of the communications that led to the widely reported call from President Trump to the Georgia Secretary of State asking to find enough votes to win.
These episodes are created based on the value-for-value model - if you find value in the effort to provide an open and available reading of this document, please support the podcast at governmentunfiltered.com or patreon.com/timberlanemedia. If you'd like to provide an anonymous donation, you can go to glow.fm/insider. Follow the show on Twitter @GovUnfiltered or on Facebook at facebook.com/governmentunfiltered.
The January 6th Report: A reading of Chapter 2.3 (Intro) - Outreach and Implementation of the Plan
Just one day after the State-focused plan came up in the Oval Office, President Trump started taking concrete steps aimed at State legislators. In the weeks that followed, the President led an outreach aimed at officials in States he lost but that had GOP-led legislatures, including in Michigan, Pennsylvania, Georgia, and Arizona. The six sections provide further details regarding the efforts.
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The January 6th Report: A reading of Chapter 2.2 - The Plan Emerges
An article published in The Atlantic in September 2020 reported that the Trump Campaign was discussing contingency plans to bypass election results and appoint electors in battleground States where Republicans held the legislative majority. Pushing claims of rampant fraud, that's what the Trump team ultimately did. This section explains how the plan came together to reach out to State legislators to set aside the popular vote and exercise their power to choose a slate of electors.
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The January 6th Report: A reading of Chapter 2.1 - The Electoral College, and President Trump’s Attempt to Subvert It
President Trump and his advisors tried different ways to change the outcome of the election in different states. They pressured local and State elections officials to stop counting votes once it became clear that former Vice President Joseph Biden would prevail in the final count. They pressured Governors, secretaries of State, and local officials not to certify the popular vote in several swing States that Biden had won. When that didn't work, they pressured State legislators to disregard the vote counts and appoint Trump electors to vote in the electoral college.
These episodes are created based on the value-for-value model - if you find value in the effort to provide an open and available reading of this document, please support the podcast at governmentunfiltered.com or patreon.com/timberlanemedia. If you'd like to provide an anonymous donation, you can go to glow.fm/insider. Follow the show on Twitter @GovUnfiltered or on Facebook at facebook.com/governmentunfiltered.
The January 6th Report: A reading of Chapter 2 (Introduction) - “I Just Want to Find 11,780 Votes”
In a telephone call on January 2, 2021, President Trump pressured Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger about finding additional votes in the state. Trump’s phone call with Raffensperger received widespread coverage after it was leaked. However, Georgia was not the only State targeted by President Trump and his team. The call was one element of a larger and more comprehensive effort explained in this chapter.
These episodes are created based on the value-for-value model - if you find value in the effort to provide an open and available reading of this document, please support the podcast at governmentunfiltered.com or patreon.com/timberlanemedia. If you'd like to provide an anonymous donation, you can go to glow.fm/insider. Follow the show on Twitter @GovUnfiltered or on Facebook at facebook.com/governmentunfiltered.
The January 6th Report: A reading of Chapter 1.9 - President Trump’s January 6th Speech
At noon on January 6, 2021, President Trump addressed thousands of his supporters at a rally just south of the White House. By the Select Committee’s assessment, there were more than 100 times during his speech in which President Trump said that either the election had been stolen from him, or discussed how votes had been compromised by a specific act of fraud or through major procedural violations.
Note: The first full chapter is available to supporters at patreon.com/timberlanemedia.
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The January 6th Report: A reading of Chapter 1.8 - President Trump Repeatedly Promoted Conspiracy Theories
This section of the report gets into some of the conspiracy theories generated following the election. The Department of Justice, state authorities, judges, experts, journalists, other Federal officials, and even members of his own legal team were forced to run down and try to debunk or explain a number of them. The President’s own campaign team ultimately believed that there was no significant fraud in the election.
Note: The first full chapter is available to supporters at patreon.com/timberlanemedia.
These episodes are created based on the value-for-value model - if you find value in the effort to provide an open and available reading of this document, please support the podcast at governmentunfiltered.com by clicking the support button for a one-time donation or visiting our Patreon page. If you'd like to provide an anonymous donation, you can go to glow.fm/insider to donate on either a one-time or recurring basis. Follow the show on Twitter @GovUnfiltered or on Facebook at facebook.com/governmentunfiltered.
This episode is a reading of Chapter 1.7 - President Trump Had His Day in Court.
In this section of the first chapter, the committee says that the Trump Campaign and allies of President Trump filed 62 separate lawsuits between November 4, 2020, and January 6, 2021. The chapter provides details from several of the cases, the political orientation of the courts and how contentions the votes were among the judges involved.
These episodes are created based on the value-for-value model - if you find value in the effort to provide an open and available reading of this document, please support the podcast at governmentunfiltered.com by clicking the support button for a one-time donation or by going to patreon.com/timberlanemedia to donate monthly. If you'd like to provide an anonymous donation, you can go to glow.fm/insider to donate on either a one-time or recurring basis. Follow the show on Twitter @GovUnfiltered or on Facebook at facebook.com/governmentunfiltered.
This episode is a reading of Chapter 1.6 - President Trump’s Campaign Team Told Him He Lost the Election and There Was No Significant Fraud.
In this section of the first chapter, the committee shares the testimony from many of President Trump's staffers about how their attempts to find fraud in the election, but came up with nothing significant enough to overcome the votes they needed in several states. Instead, they developed several talking points that would be repeated in the following months leading up to January 6th.
These episodes are created based on the value-for-value model - if you find value in the effort to provide an open and available reading of this document, please support the podcast at governmentunfiltered.com by clicking the support button for a one-time donation or by going to patreon.com/timberlanemedia to donate monthly. Supporters have early access to full audio chapters. Chapter 1 is now available via Patreon.
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This episode is a reading of Chapter 1.5 - Post-Election: President Trump Replaces His Campaign Team.
This is the Select Committee's summary about the release of his campaign team that referred to itself as "team normal." In their place, Trump promoted Rudy Giuliani and several investigators and lawyers to assist him. As discussed later in the report, these players became key figures in President Trump’s efforts to overturn the election.
Note: The complete first chapter is now available to Patrons at patreon.com/timberlanemedia
These episodes are created based on the value-for-value model - if you find value in the effort to provide an open and available reading of this document, please support the podcast at governmentunfiltered.com by clicking the support button for a one-time donation or by going to patreon.com/timberlanemedia to donate monthly. If you'd like to provide an anonymous donation, you can go to glow.fm/insider to donate on either a one-time or recurring basis. Follow the show on Twitter @GovUnfiltered or on Facebook at facebook.com/governmentunfiltered.
This episode is a reading of Chapter 1.4 - President Trump’s Launch of the Big Lie.
The Select Committee provides the origin of President Trump's claim of election fraud as he often referred to “dumps” of votes that were injected into the counting process and that his supporters latched onto these false claims.
These episodes are created based on the value-for-value model - if you find value in the effort to provide an open and available reading of this document, please support the podcast at governmentunfiltered.com by clicking the support button for a one-time donation or by going to patreon.com/timberlanemedia to donate monthly. If you'd like to provide an anonymous donation, you can go to glow.fm/insider to donate on either a one-time or recurring basis. Follow the show on Twitter @GovUnfiltered or on Facebook at facebook.com/governmentunfiltered.
This episode is a reading of Chapter 1.3 - Trump’s Pre-Election Efforts to Delegitimize the Election Process.
The Select Committee explains that it found dozens of instances in which President Trump claimed that mail-in voting would produce a "rigged" election. This short section is a precursor to President Trump’s launch of the Big Lie, explained in the following section, and provides context for future efforts to delegitimize the election.
This episode is a reading of Chapter 1.2 - Trump’s Pre-Election Plans to Declare Victory
The following episodes will be released in subsequent days:
As with the Mueller Report and other government documents of public interest, Government Unfiltered's goal is to create audio readings that are accessible via the value-for-value model. If you find value in the effort to provide an open and available reading of this document, please support the podcast at governmentunfiltered.com by clicking the support button for a one-time donation or by going to patreon.com/timberlanemedia to donate monthly.
On December 22, 2022, the Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States Capitol released their final report. This podcast is a reading of that document without any additional commentary.
This episode is a reading of Chapter 1.1 - The Big Lie Reflected Deliberate Exploitation of the “Red Mirage”
The following episodes will be released in subsequent days:
As with the Mueller Report and other government documents of public interest, Government Unfiltered's goal is to create audio readings that are accessible via the value-for-value model. If you find value in the effort to provide an open and available reading of this document, please support the podcast at governmentunfiltered.com by clicking the support button for a one-time donation or by going to patreon.com/timberlanemedia to donate monthly.
On December 22, 2022, the Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States Capitol released their final report. This podcast is a reading of that document without any additional commentary.
This episode is the introductory section of Chapter 1 - The Big Lie.
The following episodes will be released in subsequent days:
As with the Mueller Report and other government documents of public interest, Government Unfiltered's goal is to create audio readings that are accessible via the value-for-value model. If you find value in the effort to provide an open and available reading of this document, please support the podcast at governmentunfiltered.com by clicking the support button for a one-time donation or by going to patreon.com/timberlanemedia to donate monthly.
This is a reading of the first volume from the five-volume Report of the Select Committee on Intelligence United States Senate on Russian Active Measures Campaigns and Interference in the 2016 U.S. Election. This document focuses specifically on Russian efforts to attack our election infrastructure. It explains security concerns with various U.S. voting machines, the ability for DHS to provide support to the states, and scenarios for potential disruption to our elections.
These episodes are created based on the value-for-value model. Please support the podcast at governmentunfiltered.com by clicking the donate button for a one-time donation or by going to patreon.com/timberlanemedia to support monthly. If you'd like to donate anonymously, you can go to glow.fm/insider to donate on either a one-time or recurring basis. Follow the show on Twitter @GovUnfiltered or on Facebook at facebook.com/governmentunfiltered.
I. INTRODUCTION (2:28)
II. FINDINGS (3:13)
III. THE ARC OF RUSSIAN ACTIVITIES (7:52)
IV. ELEMENTS OF RUSSIAN ACTIVITIES (14:17)
A. Targeting Activity (14:21)
B. Russian Access to Election Infrastructure (31:26)
1. Russian Access to Election Infrastructure: Illinois (32:16)
2. Russian Access to Election Infrastructure: State 2 (35:46)
C. Russian Efforts to Research U.S. Voting Systems, Processes, and Other Elements of Voting Infrastructure (40:32)
D. Russian Activity Directed at Voting Machine Companies (40:50)
E. Russian Efforts to Observe Polling Places (41:23)
F. [Redacted] (42:13)
G. Russian Activity Possibly Related to a Misinformation Campaign on Voter [Redacted] (42:19)
H. Two Unexplained Events (43:10)
1. Cyber Activity in State 22 (43:13)
2. Cyber Activity in State 4 (43:20)
V. RUSSIAN INTENTIONS (45:54)
Chaos on Election Day: Three Scenarios (49:25)
VI. NO EVIDENCE OF CHANGED VOTES OR MANIPULATED VOTE TALLIES (50:54)
VII. SECURITY OF VOTING MACHINES (56:23)
Direct-Recording Electronic (DRE) Voting Machine Vulnerabilities (1:00:45)
Voluntary Voting System Guidelines (1:06:32)
VIII. THE ROLE OF DHS AND INTERACTIONS WITH THE STATES (1:09:37)
A. DHS's Evolution (1:10:17)
Critical Infrastructure Designation (1:15:21)
B. The View From the States (1:18:17)
C. Taking Advantage of DHS Resources (1:25:53)
IX. RECOMMENDATIONS (1:30:30)
MINORITY VIEWS OF SENATOR WYDEN (1:48:19)
ADDITIONAL VIEWS OF SENATORS HARRIS, BENNET, AND HEINRICH (2:02:54)
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Music by Lee Rosevere
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An audiobook I narrated following the release of the Mueller Report:
On January 25, 2021, the House of Representatives delivered a single Article of Impeachment against President Trump to the United States Senate. On January 12, 2021, the majority staff of the House Judiciary Committee released the first public staff report detailing the events of January 6, 2021, when insurrectionists broke into the U.S. Capitol.
The event occurred as the House and the Senate met in a Joint Session of Congress, with the Vice President presiding, to count the Electoral College’s votes for President. In response, the House of Representatives called for the impeachment of President Donald J. Trump.
The report details the history, purpose and meaning of the Constitution’s Impeachment Clause, and establishes that President Trump’s conduct as set forth in the Article of Impeachment satisfies the standard for high Crimes and Misdemeanors. The majority staff of the House Judiciary Committee prepared this report for the use of the House Rules Committee to accompany H. RES. 24, titled "Impeaching Donald John Trump, President of the United States, For High Crimes and Misdemeanors."
INTRODUCTION (2:47)
I. Factual Background (9:36)
I.A. Conduct Leading Up to January 6, 2021 (10:34)
I.B. The January 6, 2021 “Save America Rally” (22:22)
I.C. The Attack on the Capitol (29:30)
I.D. President Trump’s Response to the Insurrection (37:42)
I.E. The Events of January 6th Were a Result of and Incited by the President’s Course of Conduct (44:27)
II. The Need for the House to Impeach President Trump (50:47)
II.A. Standards for Impeachment (51:13)
II.B. Application of Impeachment Standards to President Trump’s Conduct (54:11)
II.B.1. The Article of Impeachment Charges an Impeachable Offense (54:26)
II.B.2. President Trump Committed the Charged Impeachable Offense (1:03:24)
II.B.3. President Trump’s Conduct Harmed Core National Interests (1:15:53)
II.C. The Irrelevance of the Criminal Code and the Brandenburg Test (1:26:08)
III. The Need for Immediate Consideration of Impeachment (1:31:15)
III.A. Imminent Threat to the United States (1:34:10)
III.A.1. President Trump Failed to Protect the Capitol, the Vice President, and Members of Congress During the Joint Session of Congress (1:35:02)
III.A.2. President Trump Has Demonstrated No Remorse Since January 6th (1:42:18)
III.A.3. President Trump’s Actions Are Consistent with His Past Pattern of Undermining the Public Peace and the Orderly Operation of Democracy (1:49:59)
III.B. The Need to Establish Precedent That Such Conduct by a President Is Unconstitutional and Contrary to Our Democratic Values (2:00:35)
CONCLUSION (2:05:13)
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The final subsection of Volume 2 is merely one paragraph on page 182 from the report and restates what was in the Introduction and Executive Summary, "While this report does not conclude that the President committed a crime, it also does not exonerate him."
The podcast closes out with thanks to our Executive Producers and Associate Producers who initially helped to support this effort as well as others who helped provide value to this effort in some way.
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Part A of this subsection of Volume 2 provides legal background of the obstruction-of-justice statute most readily applicable to the Special Counsel's investigation: Section 1512(c)(2) of 18 U.S.C. Part B explores how constitutional tension is reconciled through separation-of-powers analysis when the President's official actions come into conflict with the prohibitions in the obstruction-of-justice statutes.
This episode covers pages 159-182 of Volume 2 from the "Report on the Investigation into Russian Interference in the 2016 Presidential Election."
III. Legal Defenses to the Application of Obstruction-of-Justice Statutes to the President (1:14)
A. Statutory Defenses to the Application of Obstruction-Of-Justice Provisions to the Conduct Under Investigation (3:27)
B. Constitutional Defenses to Applying Obstruction-Of-Justice Statutes to Presidential Conduct (22:03)
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This episode covers Section II. Factual Results of the Obstruction Investigation, pages 15 to 158 of Volume 2 of the "Report on the Investigation into Russian Interference in the 2016 Presidential Election."
This section of the report details the evidence obtained. Beginning with an overview of how Russia became an issue in the 2016 presidential campaign, and how candidate Trump responded. Included are key events that were investigated: the President’s conduct concerning the FBI investigation of Michael Flynn; the President’s reaction to public confirmation of the FBI’s Russia investigation; events leading up to and surrounding the termination of FBI Director Comey; efforts to terminate the Special Counsel; efforts to curtail the scope of the Special Counsel’s investigation; efforts to prevent disclosure of information about the June 9, 2016 Trump Tower meeting between Russians and senior campaign officials; efforts to have the Attorney General unrecuse; and conduct towards McGahn, Cohen, and other witnesses.
Factual Results of the Obstruction Investigation (1:12)
A. The Campaign's Response to Reports About Russian Support for Trump (3:03)
B. The President's Conduct Concerning the Investigation of Michael Flynn (16:44)
C. The President's Reaction to Public Confirmation of the FBI's Russia Investigation (57:21)
D. Events Leading Up To and Surrounding the Termination of FBI Director Comey (1:23:18)
E. The President's Efforts to Remove the Special Counsel (1:54:44)
F. The President's Efforts to Curtail the Special Counsel Investigation (2:20:49)
G. The President's Efforts to Prevent Disclosure of Emails About the June 9, 2016 Meeting Between Russians and Senior Campaign Officials (2:37:37)
H. The President's Further Efforts to Have the Attorney General Take Over the Investigation (2:56:14)
I. The President Orders McGahn to Deny that the President Tried to Fire the Special Counsel (3:09:23)
J. The President's Conduct Towards Flynn, Manafort, and Stone (3:25:23)
K. The President's Conduct Involving Michael Cohen (3:54:42)
L. Overarching Factual Issues (4:42:44)
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This section explains the basic elements that are common to most of the relevant obstruction statutes and provides definitions relevant to events discussed in Section II relating to potential issues of obstruction of justice. This episode covers the "Background Legal and Evidentiary Principles," pages 9 to 14, from Volume 2 of the "Report on the Investigation into Russian Interference in the 2016 Presidential Election."
Background Legal and Evidentiary Principles (1:14)
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This episode covers the "Executive Summary to Volume 2," pages 3 to 8, from Volume 2 of the "Report on the Investigation into Russian Interference in the 2016 Presidential Election." The executive summary provides an overview of the investigation's focus on a series of actions by the President related to the Russian-interference investigations, and an overview of the constitutional issues raised by the Special Counsel.
Executive Summary to Volume II (0:58)
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This episode covers the "Introduction to Volume 2," pages 1 to 2, from Volume 2 of the "Report on the Investigation into Russian Interference in the 2016 Presidential Election." This volume provides details toward whether the President had obstructed justice in connection with the FBI's Russia-related investigations.
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As part of the final section of Volume 1 of the "Report on the Investigation into Russian Interference in the 2016 Presidential Election," pages 174-199, this section explains the Special Council's decisions on whether to exercise its prosecutorial authority with regard to the evidence it found through the investigation.
V. Prosecution and Declination Decisions (1:14)
V. A. Russian "Active Measures" Social Media Campaign (3:03)
V. B. Russian Hacking and Dumping Operations (5:50)
V. C. Russian Government Outreach and Contacts (18:00)
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This Section describes the principal links between the Trump Campaign and individuals with ties to the Russian government, including some contacts with Campaign officials or associates that have been publicly reported to involve Russian contacts.
The Office investigated whether those contacts constituted a third avenue of attempted Russian interference with or influence on the 2016 presidential election. In particular, the investigation examined whether these contacts involved or resulted in coordination or a conspiracy with the Trump Campaign and Russia, including with respect to Russia providing assistance to the Campaign in exchange for any sort of favorable treatment in the future. Based on the available information, the investigation did not establish such coordination.
Each subsection begins with an overview of the Russian contact at issue and then describes in detail the relevant facts, which are generally presented in chronological order, beginning with the early months of the Campaign and extending through the post-election, transition period.
This episode covers pages 66-173 of the "Report on the Investigation into Russian Interference in the 2016 Presidential Election."
IV. Russian Government Links To and Contacts With The Trump Campaign (1:13)
IV.A. Campaign Period (September 2015 – November 8, 2016) (2:27)
IV.B. Post-Election and Transition-Period Contacts (2:23:57)
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Section III of Volume 1 of the Mueller Report describes the Russian Hacking and Dumping Operations. The primary topics include GRU hacking directed at the Clinton campaign; the investigation's look into DCLeaks, Guccifer 2.0 and the use of Wikileaks; the investigation's findings of the Russian efforts to target individuals involved in the Clinton Campaign and entities involved in election administration; and the investigation's findings focus on interactions between the Trump Campaign and Wikileaks as well as the campaign's interest and efforts to obtain deleted Clinton emails.
This episode covers pages 36-65 of the "Report on the Investigation into Russian Interference in the 2016 Presidential Election."
III: Russian Hacking and Dumping Operations (1:14)
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This episode covers the structure of the Internet Research Agency, the funding and oversight of the IRA, and the methods in which the IRA targeted the 2016 U.S. Election, as part of the "Report on the Investigation into Russian Interference in the 2016 Presidential Election (Volume 1)."
The November 2020 update to this section uncovers significant amounts of previously redacted material from pages 14 to 35 of the report.
Russian "Active Measures" Social Media Campaign (1:14)
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Section 1 of Volume 1 of the "Report on the Investigation into Russian Interference in the 2016 Presidential Election." The section is titled "I. The Special Counsel's Investigation" from pages 11 to 13 of the report.
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This section covers the "Executive Summary to Volume 1" from pages 4 to 10 of the "Report on the Investigation into Russian Interference in the 2016 Presidential Election."
Nov. 2020 additions are at 1:48, 2:03, and 20:23
Russian Social Media Campaign (1:16)
Russian Hacking Operations (3:27)
Russian Contacts with the Campaign (6:06)
2015 Russian Contacts with the Campaign (7:26)
Spring 2016 Russian Contacts with the Campaign (8:02)
Summer 2016 Russian Contacts with the Campaign (8:59)
Fall 2016 Russian Contacts with the Campaign (12:34)
Post-2016 Election Russian Contacts with the Campaign (13:37)
The Special Counsel's Charging Decisions (18:47)
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On April 18, 2019, the Department of Justice released the "Report on the Investigation into Russian Interference in the 2016 Presidential Election." In June and November of 2020, previously unredacted information was released. With these releases, this is the first of 13 sections that will be re-released to attempt to provide the most up-to-date and accurate version available for free. This section covers the "Introduction to Volume 1" from pages 1 to 3 of the report.
Preface (2:08)
Introduction to Volume 1 (2:38)
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En liten tjänst av I'm With Friends. Finns även på engelska.